Fourth Amendment yard work: curtilage's mow-line rule.
INTRODUCTION
I. A GRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF THE FOURTH AMENDMENT HOUSE
A. Defining the Fourth Amendment House
B. Curtilage as a Boundary Within Which Structures Are Granted
Protection
C. Modern Curtilage: Curtilage Itself Gets Fourth Amendment
Protection
D. Curtilage Gets a z-Axis: Aerial Surveillance Cases
E. Katz or Curtilage?
II. CUTTING OLIVER'S "CLEARLY MARKED" BOUNDARY WITH A LAWNMOWER
A. Curtilage in a Nation Without Walls
B. Weed in the Grass
C. Mow-lines
1. Keep off the grass
2. On grass
III. Is LAWN PRIVACY REASONABLE?
A. Brief History of Lawn Privacy
B. Curtilage's Antiurban Bias
C. 'Burb Curtilage
CONCLUSION
No, that's not in the curtilage, counsel.... That's too
far ... [Ms. Chaussee] has drawn on her demonstrative exhibit No. 15 the
area that is covered by not only the house and the shop, but I think by
her lawn mower or weed whacker or whatever she uses in order to kind of
keep things beat down, and at most, that would be the curtilage. (1)
INTRODUCTION
In 1999, the Museum of modern Art (MoMA) in New York hosted an
exhibition entitled The Un-Private House. (2) MoMA claimed the exhibit
laid the groundwork for the first architectural debate of the
twenty-first century--how to define privacy in the house. Terence Riley,
an architectural theorist and Chief Curator of MoMA's Department of
Architecture landscaping design and Design, declared, "Privacy is no longer drawn at
the property line" (3) and argued that privacy in the American
house was eroding. The evidence supporting this thesis came from
twenty-six houses designed by prominent architects and gathered for the
exhibit. Riley scrutinized these houses for architectural clues and
concluded that the distinct line between the public and private zones of
the past had become "blurred" and "fluid" in
today's houses. (4)
During the past twenty years, courts across America have been
actively engaged in a similar endeavor--looking for architectural clues
and reading markers in the landscape to determine where the privacy of a
house begins and ends. The stakes here, however, are higher than they
are for architectural theorists. The line between public and private
under the Fourth Amendment can determine whether an accused goes to
prison or not. (5)
One can imagine that the house, as mentioned in the Constitution,
might have a clear boundary--ending at the threshold (6) between inside
and outside. In the Supreme Court's decision in Oliver v. United
States, (7) however, the Court said that, for purposes of the Fourth
Amendment, the house spills out-of-doors to a space called "the
curtilage." (8) Under Oliver's modern definition of curtilage,
(9) "house" now includes curtilage, (10) and because curtilage
is a landscaping design larger area than the physical structure of a house, one has to know
how far the curtilage extends from the house to determine the scope of
Fourth Amendment privacy. The majority in Oliver thought this inquiry
would be easy. The Court stated, "for most homes, the boundaries of
the curtilage will be clearly marked; and the conception defining the
curtilage--as the area around the home to which the activity of home
life extends--is a familiar one easily understood from our daily
experience." (11)
But the curtilage's boundary was not as clearly marked as the
Court thought. Four years after Oliver, the Court announced a curtilage
standard in United States v. Dunn. (12) Under Dunn, the
"extent-of-curtilage" (13) is analyzed through four factors:
[1] [T]he proximity of the area claimed to be curtilage to the home,
[2] whether the area is included within an enclosure surrounding the
home, [3] the nature of the uses to which the area is put, and [4]
the steps taken by the resident to protect the area from observation
by people passing by. (14)
Since the common law, determining the curtilage has always involved
looking to a house's landscape architecture. In England, where the
idea of curtilage originated, the inquiry was simple: The curtilage
included the buildings enclosed by the wall surrounding the house.
America's residential landscape architecture, however, is
different. Americans usually do not have walls or fences around their
houses. (15) Therefore, under the Dunn standard, courts go looking for
other architectural clues to determine the scope of the curtilage.
In looking for clear dividing lines like fences, walls, or other
marks in the landscape to find the curtilage boundary, some courts are
turning to a bright-line or mow-line rule--if officers set foot on mowed
grass, then they have invaded the curtilage. (16) If "curtilage is
the area to which extends the intimate activities associated with the
sanctity of a man's home and the privacies of life and therefore
has been considered part of the home itself for Fourth Amendment
purposes," (17) is it reasonable that this area extends to the
limit of where a homeowner takes the John Deere? This Note is an attempt
to investigate the developing definition of curtilage and the questions
it raises.
The Note is divided into three Parts. Part I traces the evolution
of the Fourth Amendment house and curtilage graphically. Today, there is
an overwhelming sense that zones of privacy are shrinking. (18) This
Part examines how the Fourth Amendment zone of privacy may actually have
expanded with the inclusion of modern curtilage into the definition of
"house."
The curtilage doctrine was imported with the common law from
England. Part II examines the difficulty in translating the doctrine
into the American context and considers the heightened importance the
war on drugs has placed on the curtilage boundary. In warrantless
searches, police risk the exclusion of any evidence resulting from the
search (19) and therefore they have an interest in staying off the
curtilage. As this Part illustrates, the police often avoid entering
mowed areas, and it often appears that courts rely, in part at least, on
a mowline role to determine the extent of the curtilage.
Part III questions whether society is prepared to recognize lawn
privacy as reasonable. In recent "aerial surveillance cases"
and in Kyllo v. United States, (20) the Court suggested the appropriate
inquiry for examining curtilage privacy is the Katz v. United States (21) two-part reasonableness framework. (22) In exploring the issue,
this Part looks at lawn privacy historically, the antiurban character of
curtilage, and briefly considers suburban curtilage.
I. A GRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF THE FOURTH AMENDMENT HOUSE
This Part graphically illustrates the evolution of the meaning of
"houses" in the Fourth Amendment. In reviewing this history,
this Part also questions two assumptions taken for granted today. The
first assumption is that our zone of privacy is shrinking. (23) As the
following analysis illuminates, with the addition of a modern
understanding of curtilage, our constitutional zone of privacy around
the house has actually expanded since the framing. The second assumption
is that the common law meaning of "house" as applied to the
Fourth Amendment included the curtilage. (24)
A. Defining the Fourth Amendment House
It may seem unnecessary today to analyze whether a structure is
defined as a "house" or not (25) after the announcement in
Katz v. United States (26) that the Fourth Amendment "protects
people, not places." (27) But the inquiry into whether a structure
is a house is important for two reasons. First, even after Katz, houses
are viewed as having heightened Fourth Amendment protection. (28)
Second, and more importantly for this Note, houses are the only
structures that clearly have curtilage. (29) Therefore the discussion
here begins with the question: What is a Fourth Amendment
"house"?
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
This may seem like a simple question. After all, children draw
pictures of them--the gabled roof, four windows, and smoke billowing out
of the chimney. But certainly more than just architecture distinguishes
houses from other kinds of places. The influential architect Le
Corbusier defined a house as a place affording protection from outside
observation. (30) The Constitution also defines a house as a place free
from observation--it is the only place expressly granted Fourth
Amendment protection from unreasonable searches. (31) Houses are
especially private (32) places, and the Constitution underscores this
point, (33) but the Constitution does not provide any clues as to what
kind of places are Fourth Amendment "houses." In California v.
Carney, (34) the United States Supreme Court confronted this house
definition issue. (35)
The police searched Carney's Dodge motor home without a
warrant, and Carney argued that the marijuana and paraphernalia found in
the motor home should have been suppressed at trial under the Fourth
Amendment. The California Supreme Court agreed, and it reversed the
trial court's finding that the search was permitted under the
"automobile exception" (36) and held that the motor home is
"more properly treated as a residence." (37) In reaching its
conclusion, the California court looked to the fact that Carney's
motor home was "equipped with at least a bed, a refrigerator, a
table, chairs, curtains and storage cabinets ... [that] created a
setting that could accommodate most private activities normally
conducted in a fixed home." (38) The fact that a motor home is a
"repository of intimate effects," (39) that the interior is
"often fully shielded from view by its design," (40) and its
"outward appearance" (41) also led the court to determine the
motor home was house-like and therefore protected.
The United States Supreme Court reversed the California Supreme
Court and held that the motor home fell within the automobile exception
because it was readily mobile and was in a place that indicated it was
being used as a vehicle. (42) The important part of the Carney decision
here is that the Court acknowledged that the "vehicle possessed
some, if not many of the attributes of a home." (43) Unfortunately,
the majority failed to elaborate on this statement, (44) but the
dissent's opinion provides a glimpse into what the Court considers
house-like attributes.
In the dissent's opinion, some structures are houses simply by
their outward appearance or architecture. A "brick bungalow or a
frame Victorian" clearly "serves as a permanent lifetime
abode." (45) But even structures that do not match this archetype may be house-like because of the functions they contain. Focusing on
this functionality inquiry, the dissent considered structures designed
to accommodate a "breadth of ordinary everyday living" to be
like houses. (46) Further, like the California Supreme Court, the
dissent noted that the motor home contained "stuffed chairs
[a]round a table; cupboards ... for storage of personal effects; bunk
beds [for] sleeping ... and a refrigerator ... for food and
beverages." (47)
Implicit in both the majority and dissenting opinions is the
interplay between two factors--form and function--that suggest whether a
structure qualifies for Fourth Amendment house protection. Under the
first, or form factor, the greater the similarity of a structure to the
archetypal home--"the brick bungalow or frame Victorian"--the
more likely it will fall within the express protection of the Fourth
Amendment. (48) When a structure deviates from the archetype, the Court
looks to the function of the place. The majority found that
Carney's motor home was more motor than home, and, therefore, its
primary function placed it within the automobile exception. (49) The
dissent on the other hand, thought the motor home was more home than
motor. Carney's Dodge could accommodate a "wide range of
private human activity"-sleeping, eating, storing personal
effects--and was associated with a particular way of living. (50) On
this basis, the dissent concluded the motor home functioned more like a
dwelling than a vehicle.
While Carney is the only Supreme Court case where the definition of
"house" was at issue, the lower courts have faced other
problems in determining whether structures like tents (51) and caves
(52) are sufficiently house like to receive constitutional protection.
Because these structures deviate from the archetypal house, as in
Carney, courts look to the functionality of a space to determine whether
it qualifies as a Fourth Amendment "house." (53)
Finding or simply concluding that a structure is a house, however,
is not the end of the inquiry to determine the scope of the house's
Fourth Amendment privacy protection. The privacy of the house extends
beyond the perimeter of its walls because courts have held that
"house" in the Fourth Amendment means "house plus
curtilage." (54) The following discussion begins the inquiry into
what constitutes the curtilage.
B. Curtilage as a Boundary Within Which Structures Are Granted
Protection
The idea of curtilage was imported with the common law from
England. (55) At common law, the curtilage concept was a boundary within
which structures were granted the same protection under the law of
burglary as afforded to the house itself. (56) As Blackstone states,
"And if the barn, stable, or warehouse, be parcel of the
mansionhouse, though not under the same roof or contiguous, a burglary
may be committed therein; for the capital house protects and privileges
all its branches and appurtenants, if within the curtilage or
homestall." (57)
In England, it was relatively simple to locate the curtilage
boundary because it was collinear with the wall that surrounded most
dwellings. (58) Turning to Figure 2, the curtilage boundary is
represented as an imaginary dashed boundary line. The structures within
this boundary at common law were considered part of the house for the
law of burglary. Therefore, on Figure 2, the two structures outlined in
a solid line would be considered part of the house, while the
shed--represented with a dotted line--would not be part of the house.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
As discussed below in Part II, the lack of walls or fences around
houses in the United States has caused considerable problems
establishing the extent of curtilage in America. (59) While the idea of
the curtilage as a boundary within which structures are protected was
originally applied in the burglary context, it was first read into the
Fourth Amendment by the Supreme Court in Amos v. United States. (60)
In Amos, the defendant petitioned the trial court to return
property that was going to be used against him at trial. The evidence
was seized "in a search of defendant's house and store
'within his curtilage," made unlawfully and without warrant of
any kind, in violation of his rights under the Fourth and Fifth
Amendments." (61) The Supreme Court held that the petition should
have been granted. (62)
Note that in both the burglary (63) and Fourth Amendment context
under Amos, only structures are protected spaces. (64) Returning to
Figure 2 for illustration, the ground area of the yard within the dashed
boundary is not protected. (65) As is discussed next, not until dictum in Oliver v. United States (66) was there any suggestion that the
curtilage yard was included within the Fourth Amendment's purview.
C. Modern Curtilage: Curtilage Itself Gets Fourth Amendment
Protection
The preceding discussion illustrated that only physical structures
were protected under the original meaning of curtilage as applied to the
Fourth Amendment. (67) The Supreme Court in Oliver, however, announced
(68) what is being labeled here the "modern curtilage
doctrine." (69) Under this doctrine, structures within the
curtilage and the lawn (70) of the curtilage itself are protected.
Modern curtilage is a significant extension of the understanding of the
Fourth Amendment because after Oliver, if officers without a warrant
enter the curtilage (read: yard or lawn) of the house, (71) not just
structures within the yard, any evidence found is subject to the
exclusionary rule. (72) Figure 3 illustrates the modern curtilage. As in
Figure 2, structures within the curtilage are still protected, but
protection of the yard is added, as represented by the hatched lines.
The unprotected space outside of the hatched area is "open
field." (73)
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
In Oliver, police officers searched petitioners' (74) fields
without a warrant and discovered patches of marijuana plants. Against a
backdrop of the war on drugs, (75) and recent Court decisions admitting
drug evidence in Fourth Amendment search cases, (76) the Court had to
decide whether the search violated the Fourth Amendment. The petitioners
raised a colorable argument under Katz that they had a reasonable
expectation of privacy in the field--it was marked with a no trespassing
sign, the entrance to the farm was secured with a gate, and the field
itself was highly secluded. (77) In order to avoid excluding the
evidence under Katz, the Court turned to the open field doctrine
announced in Hester v. United States (78) and held that the field was
not protected by the Fourth Amendment. (79)
As part of the Oliver majority opinion, the Court conceded that not
all ground areas are "open fields" or places where people
cannot expect privacy. The Court did this by announcing in dictum that
the curtilage was still protected space. (80) Prior to this opinion, the
curtilage doctrine had only been applied to structures around the house.
(81) In this case, however, the marijuana was growing outside in a
field. The Court's mention of the curtilage under Oliver's
facts suggests that had the marijuana been growing in the house's
curtilage (lawn), the warrantless search would have violated the Fourth
Amendment and the evidence would have been suppressed.
The Oliver Court collaged three sources--Blackstone, Hester v.
United States, (82) and Boyd v. United States (83)--to create the modern
curtilage doctrine. It did this in two moves. First, the Court combined
Blackstone and Hester to distinguish an open field from curtilage:
"As Justice Holmes, writing for the Court, observed in Hester, the
common law distinguished 'open fields' from the
'curtilage,' the land immediately surrounding and associated
with the home." (84) The Court's second move used language
from Boyd, (85) a case that never mentions curtilage, to define the
curtilage as "the area to which extends the intimate activities
associated with the 'sanctity of a man's home and the
privacies of life' and therefore has been considered part of the
home itself for Fourth Amendment purposes." (86) This modern
curtilage was then defined as an "area immediately adjacent to the
home." (87)
Courts interpreted Oliver's curtilage to mean that the Fourth
Amendment protects the yard of the house. (88) Once the yard became part
of the Fourth Amendment "house," determining the size of it
became an important constitutional question. (89) According to Oliver,
the inquiry would be easy since "for most homes, the boundaries of
the curtilage will be clearly marked; and the conception defining the
curtilage--as the area around the home to which the activity of home
life extends--is a familiar one easily understood from our daily
experience." (90)
In United States v. Dunn, (91) the Court tackled the issue of how
far this modern curtilage extended. The line between curtilage and
noncurtilage proved not as bright as the Court in Oliver assumed. As a
result, the Court adopted a four-factor standard to resolve
extent-of-curtilage questions. (92)
In defining the scope of the modern curtilage in Dunn, the Court
did not consider the issue of whether spaces routinely accessed by the
public were included within the Fourth Amendment's reach. (93) In
the limited number of cases reaching this issue, courts have held that
driveways, sidewalks, and frontentry walkways that are exposed to the
public are not covered by the Fourth Amendment. (94) Figure 4 represents
this by subtracting driveways and walkways from the scope of the
curtilage.
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
D. Curtilage Gets a z-Axis: Aerial Surveillance Cases
Dunn created the standard for the horizontal reach of the modern
curtilage--its x- and y-axes. Two subsequent Supreme Court aerial
surveillance cases considered modern curtilage's ceiling. (95) By
establishing a curtilage ceiling, as illustrated in Figure 5, the
curtilage becomes a three-dimensional space that police may not enter
without a warrant. (96)
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
The first aerial surveillance case, California v. Ciraolo, examined
"whether naked-eye observation of the curtilage by police from an
aircraft lawfully operating at an altitude of 1,000 feet" violated
the Fourth Amendment. (97) The Court held under the second part of Katz
(98) that there was no search and therefore no Fourth Amendment
violation. (99) Although the Court did not set a curtilage ceiling, the
opinion implies that entry into the airspace above the curtilage with a
fixed-wing aircraft at some height between 0 and 1000 feet would
constitute an unreasonable search. (100)
In the second case, Florida v. Riley, (101) the Court considered
the following question: "[w]hether surveillance of the interior of
a partially covered greenhouse in a residential backyard from the
vantage point of a helicopter located 400 feet above the greenhouse
constitutes a 'search' for which a warrant is required under
the Fourth Amendment." (102) The Court held that it was not a
search. (103) In reaching this result, a plurality of the Court
suggested the test for an aerial surveillance search might hinge on whether the aircraft was in legally navigable airspace. (104) Justice
O'Connor, concurring in the judgment, agreed with the plurality
that there was no search based on Katz but rejected their reliance on
whether the aircraft was flying at an altitude contrary to law. (105)
In rejecting the navigable airspace test, the Court again failed to
establish a bright-line rule for the curtilage. Riley and Ciraolo held
that there was no search and therefore the height of the ceiling is
still in flux. However, what can be inferred from these decisions is
that the curtilage protection, the z-axis in Figure 5, extends somewhere
between 0 and 1000 feet for fixed-wing aircrafts, and between 0 and 400
feet for helicopters.
E. Katz or Curtilage?
Part I. A began (106) by suggesting that even with Katz's
announcement that the Fourth Amendment "protects people not
places," houses and their curtilage are a special kind of
constitutional space. Houses are expressly mentioned in the
Constitution, while phone booths and other spaces examined under the
Katz rubric are not. Furthermore, the curtilage has its own special
standard, (107) and three of the four factors of this standard are not
about "people" but look to the character of a
"place." (108) The aerial surveillance cases coupled with
Kyllo v. United States (109)--the latest Supreme Court decision
mentioning curtilage--however, suggest that curtilage's special
status is being pulled into Katz's expanding reach. (110)
In Ciraolo and Riley, the Court could have added a fifth factor to
Dunn to cover the vertical component of the curtilage. (111) Instead,
the Court conceded that the area surveyed was within the curtilage (112)
but relied on the second part of Katz to establish whether an
expectation of privacy from the air is "one that society is
prepared to honor." (113) Therefore, whether the police enter the
airspace above the curtilage is a Katz rather than a curtilage question.
By framing aerial surveillance as a Katz question, the Court takes the
notion that houses are extraordinarily protected areas out of the
inquiry (114)--curtilage viewed from above is looked at with the same
Katz scrutiny as are other places such as phone booths.
In Kyllo, the Court held that the use of a thermal-imaging device
aimed at a private home from a public street to detect the amount of
heat within a home was a search. (115) What is relevant here is the
Court's suggestion that Katz, not Dunn, is the appropriate test for
determining whether a search of the curtilage has occurred. (116) If
Oliver expressed the idea that "house" included curtilage for
purposes of the Fourth Amendment, Kyllo, in contrast, unearths the
pre-Oliver definition of house and suggests that the house ends at the
threshold: "We have said that the Fourth Amendment draws 'a
firm line at the entrance to the house.' That line, we think, must
be not only firm but also bright...." (117) The implication of the
aerial surveillance cases, combined with Kyllo, is that curtilage's
status as a specially protected space is waning--the Court may be done
with Dunn. In its place, the Court seems to be heading toward a Katz
reasonableness framework for curtilage questions in the future.
II. CUTTING OLIVER'S "CLEARLY MARKED" BOUNDARY WITH
A LAWNMOWER
In the brief history of the modern curtilage since Oliver, the
Court has twice rejected a bright-line rule. (118) First, the Court
rejected a "fence-line rule" in Dunn, (119) instead opting for
a four-factor standard. Second, in the aerial surveillance cases, the
Court failed to reach a majority for a navigable airspace rule to
determine the height of curtilage protection. (120) The Court relied
instead on the Katz reasonableness standard.
Before examining the mow-line analysis developing in some lower
courts, this Part considers two developments leading up to the emphasis
on mow-lines. First is the origin of curtilage in England and its
failure to translate into the American landscape. Second is the
importance of the curtilage boundary in the context of the war on drugs
and the increase in domestic marijuana production.
A. Curtilage in a Nation Without Walls
Though curtilage is as old as the common law, (121) courts today
still have difficulty defining it. The problem with curtilage is
partially an architectural one. England's landscape architecture is
different from America's landscape, making it difficult for our
courts to translate the curtilage doctrine into the American context.
(122)
In England, because of several enclosure acts, landholdings were
traditionally surrounded by fences, walls, or hedgerows. (123) These
elements compartmentalized the English landscape and made the boundary
of the curtilage easy to find. The American landscape, however, is not
so clearly divided. (124) Early in the twentieth century, American
jurists noted the difference between England's landscape
architecture and our own and concluded that this difference posed
serious problems for the application of the curtilage doctrine. (125)
It was not until recently that the problem was highlighted. For one
thing, the exclusionary role did not come into effect until the 1960s.
For another, until Oliver's decision in 1984, the curtilage only
protected structures. But the lawn's new Fourth Amendment status
coupled with increased production of domestic marijuana has increased
the amount of extent-of-curtilage cases. (126)
B. Weed in the Grass
If America's landscape architecture made it difficult to
establish a clear curtilage boundary, its marijuana drug culture (127)
has made it a pressing question. Ten to thirty million Americans are
marijuana users, and up to half of the marijuana consumed in this
country is homegrown by an estimated two million domestic growers. (128)
The enormous domestic production resulted from a marijuana shortage in
the early 1980s in tandem with the escalating price of the drug. (129)
As homegrown marijuana production increased, so did the
government's crackdown. In 2000, there were 734,497 arrests for
cannabis abuse violations. (130) In Indiana alone, the state's
cannabis eradication program in 1997 identified 3000 domestic
cultivators. (131) Nationally, the Drug Enforcement Agency
("DEA") initiated the Domestic Cannabis
Eradication/Suppression Program (DCE/SP) in 1979. (132) The DCE/SP was
responsible for the eradication of 3,068,632 cultivated outdoor
marijuana plants in 2001. (133)
Marijuana cultivation increased the potential for illicit activity
in the modern curtilage. Investigation of marijuana offenses often leads
police to areas around the home where plants can be grown for personal
use. As the curtilage doctrine makes clear, if the police enter the
curtilage without a warrant, any evidence found in the curtilage is
excludable under the Fourth Amendment. (134) Police, therefore, have an
interest in knowing the limit of the curtilage. (135) After a police
search of the curtilage, courts are often faced with determining whether
the police stepped into or stayed out of the protected boundary. The
four factors from Dunn help frame this inquiry. But the curtilage
inquiry is about line-drawing, albeit imaginary, and so courts go
looking for lines. (136) As noted above, many American houses do not
have fence-lines, wall-lines, or hedge-lines, so courts occasionally use
mow-lines to help resolve the curtilage boundary question.
C. Mow-lines
Although the term "mow-line" is not within the pages of
Webster's or Black's Law Dictionary, the lines left in the
wake of a lawnmower are part of America's popular culture. (137)
Mowing patterns and striping have become commonplace on the turf of
American professional athletic fields and suburban lawns. (138)
Videogame manufacturers are incorporating patterned grass surfaces to
make the games look more realistic. (139) There is even a book
describing how to prepare the perfect grass-lawn canvas and inscribe patterns and lines on its surface. (140) In 2000, the touring
international art exhibition entitled The American Home Lawn: Surfaces
of Everyday Life included images of striped and patterned lawns. (141)
With the popularity of golf in America, (142) more and more people are
reading cut-lines in the grass--the divisions between the rough,
fairway, apron, and fringe for example. (143) Courts also appear to be
reading lines in the turf. Although only one opinion explicitly mentions
the term "mow line," (144) as the cases below illustrate, the
line separating a lawn from other unmanicured areas of a property, or
the cut-line separating a mowed lawn from an unmowed lawn, often is
being used to determine extent-of-curtilage questions.
1. Keep off the grass.
The following discussion analyzes cases where courts have
determined that the cartilage was not penetrated because the police
stayed off the mowed areas of a residential property. On this basis,
courts have held that there is no search, and therefore the drug
evidence found is admissible. Nearly all of the cases incorporating
mow-lines into the curtilage analysis are post-Dunn 1990s or 2000
decisions. (145) Courts vary in how they incorporate mow-lines into the
Dunn four-factor standard. In some cases, the mow-line is a factor in
the outcome, but the court does not pigeonhole the analysis into one of
the four Dunn factors. 146 In other cases, the mow-line discussion is
framed within either the second or third Dunn factor. (147) In Dunn, the
Court cautioned that the four factors should not be applied
mechanistically to produce a finely tuned formula to answer all
"extent-of-curtilage questions." (148) The Court said,
"Rather these factors are useful analytical tools only to the
degree that, in any given case, they bear upon the centrally relevant
consideration--whether the area in question is so intimately tied to the
home itself that it should be placed under the home's
'umbrella' of Fourth Amendment protection." (149) As the
cases below illustrate, the mow-line weighs heavily on this
"centrally relevant consideration."
In a few cases, courts have used the mow-line as a stand-in for a
fence or enclosure (150) under Dunn's second factor--"whether
the area is included within an enclosure surrounding the home."
(151) In People v. Pittiglio, (152) an officer acting on a tip that
marijuana might be growing inside the defendant's house walked
through an "uncut" field and noticed plants growing in some of
the house's windows. The officer used his binoculars to confirm
that the plants were marijuana, while "at all times remaining off
the mowed area of the lawn." (153) The officer then obtained a
warrant, searched the residence, and found marijuana. The trial court
suppressed the drug evidence stating that the warrant was based on an
unconstitutional search. The court of appeals reversed and incorporated
the mow-line analysis into the second Dunn factor:
In applying these [Dunn] factors to the present case, we
find ... that the area from which [Officer] Vondra made his
observations was not part of the cartilage of defendants'
home.... Although defendants' home had no fence or other enclosure
surrounding it, it did have a mowed lawn. Vondra did not intrude
into this mowed area, but rather, observed the plants while
standing in a rough, overgrown field containing weeds and sumac.
We find that such an area was not "being used for intimate
activities of the home...." (154)
Here, the mowed lawn is considered an enclosure. When the police
keep off this enclosed area there is no overstepping of the curtilage
boundary.
In State v. Townsend, (155) West Virginia's Supreme Court of
Appeals also used the mow-line as a proxy for an enclosure. (156) In
this "reverse curtilage" case, (157) an officer searched the
defendant's house based on a valid warrant. After finding marijuana
in the house, the officer then searched a hog house--which was not
mentioned in the warrant and which was located approximately 200 feet
from the house--and found a box of marijuana. The defendant argued that
the hog house was outside the curtilage and therefore not covered by the
warrant, but the trial court denied the motion to suppress the drug
evidence. The court of appeals reversed, holding that the hog house was
not within the curtilage and therefore not covered by the warrant
allowing a search of the house. In its analysis, the court analogized
the mowed area to an enclosure:
Although the area was not fenced, the record suggests that the grass
in the area immediately surrounding the defendant's mansion house,
as well as surrounding other outbuildings, was mowed, whereas the
grass around the hog house itself was not mowed.... There was
nothing to suggest that the defendant in any way attempted to
surround it with the aura of privacy involved in a home and the
immediately surrounding area. (158)
State v. Todor (159) is another example of the mow-line being
incorporated within the Dunn second-factor analysis. In Todor, a police
helicopter pilot informed officers that he had spotted a single
marijuana plant growing in Todor's backyard and later informed
officers that he saw additional plants growing in an "overgrown area" behind the house. The police seized the plants before
obtaining a warrant. The trial court suppressed the single plant growing
in Todor's backyard because it was within the curtilage and the
police had seized it before obtaining a warrant. The court admitted the
additional 393 plants found in the "overgrown area," holding
that they were located in an "open field." Based in part on
the second factor of Dunn, the court of appeals decided that the
overgrown area was not "intimately tied to the house" and was
therefore distinguishable from the curtilage:
While Todor testified that the bathing pool itself was enclosed,
the record contains no evidence that the overgrown area was
segregated from the rest of the property so that it was "readily
identifiable as part and parcel of the house." To the contrary, the
area is clearly distinguishable from the mowed portions of Todor's
property. (160)
Mow-lines under the "enclosure" rubric often trump the
other curtilage factors. In United States v. Breza, (161) for example,
officers went within fifty feet of Breza's home located on a
ninety-two-acre farm when searching for marijuana. The court held that,
"[a]lthough the garden [where the marijuana was found] was
relatively close to Breza's house and Breza had chosen to live in
an isolated location, these factors are outweighed by the clear
demarcation of the vegetable garden from the landscaped portion of the
yard and the uses to which the garden was put." (162)
Even when mow-lines are analyzed under Dunn's second factor,
some decisions suggest that mow-lines alone may provide Oliver's
"clearly marked" curtilage boundary. For example, in State v.
Martwick, (163) during a warrantless search police officers in Wisconsin
took a leaf-slip sample from plants growing on the defendant's
property. Based on the sample, the police determined the plants were
marijuana, obtained a search warrant, and seized the drugs. The
defendant argued that the officers illegally entered the curtilage when
taking the sample and moved to suppress the evidence seized. The Supreme
Court of Wisconsin held that the police had not violated the
defendant's curtilage. (164) Although the defendant did not
"cultivate a traditional mowed lawn," (165) the court stated:
"It is significant that the marijuana plants did not stand in the
area of low-cut weeds and brush surrounding the house. Oliver noted that
the curtilage of most homes is clearly marked.... In this case, the
curtilage is clearly marked by the low-cut weeds and brush." (166)
Mow-lines have also been analyzed under the third Dunn
factor--"the nature of the uses to which the area is put."
(167) In these situations, courts have concluded that mowed areas
function as an extension of the house and are therefore included within
the curtilage. In the following cases, the police stayed off the grass.
In United States v. Groce, (168) an officer entered the area around
the defendant's home before obtaining a warrant. The officer
admitted having crossed over an electric fence before entering the area,
but the court stated that this fact was not dispositive. Instead, the
court looked to the fact that the officer "did not cross into any
area around the house that had been mowed." (169) The officer
"discovered the growing trays in one of the unmowed areas,"
and under Dunn's third factor, the area that the officer entered
"was unmowed and collecting refuse." (170)
Again, in State v. Campbell, (171) the appellant argued that the
area where officers found marijuana growing was within the curtilage of
his house. The court applied the Dunn factors and looked to the mow-line
in its third-factor analysis: "[The marijuana] was outside of the
cleared and mowed area of land used for activities associated with the
home." (172) As a result, the court held that the Fourth Amendment
had not been violated.
Finally, in Commonwealth v. Ferguson, (173) the court held that the
officers had not conducted an unreasonable search because marijuana
plants found by an officer were not within the curtilage of the house.
In making this determination, the court noted within its Dunn
third-factor analysis that "[a]ll of the suspected marijuana plants
were found beyond the mowed lawn next to the house." (174)
In some cases, even when the mow-line inquiry is included within
the Dunn framework, it appears to be operating as a separate rule. (175)
For example, in United States v. Sumner, (176) officers entered the
defendant's 240-acre property and found several marijuana plots.
The defendant filed a motion to suppress the marijuana claiming that the
officers trespassed on the curtilage of the property. Although the court
cited Dunn, it did not apply the four factors. The court stated,
"While the defendant's father testified that the family used
the entire 240 acre area, the court must conclude that only the
manicured area of approximately four or five acres constitutes the
curtilage." (177) Since the nearest plot of marijuana was sixty
yards away from the "manicured area," the court held that
there had been no search under the Fourth Amendment and denied the
defendant's motion to suppress.
2. On grass.
Unlike the preceding discussion, in the cases below, drug evidence
is suppressed because officers enter a mowed area, and the court holds
this to be a violation of the curtilage. Like the cases above, mow-lines
are usually discussed within the Dunn framework. However, given the
weight that mow-lines appear to have within the standard, a mow-line
rule has effectively displaced the curtilage test.
In United States v. Jenkins, (178) based on information obtained by
aerial surveillance, a team from Kentucky's Marijuana Strike/Task
Force seized materials used in the production of marijuana from
Jenkins' backyard without a warrant. The trial court concluded that
the defendant's backyard was an "open field" and denied
the motion to suppress. On review, the court of appeals held that the
backyard (179) was curtilage and held that the district court erred in
denying the motion. (180) In distinguishing open fields from curtilage
under Dunn's second factor, the court of appeals cited
Oliver's "clearly marked" test, stating:
"Defendants' backyard is clearly demarked as a continuation of
the home itself. No one could mistake the yard, with its neatly mowed
lawn and garden arrangements, for the unkept open fields composing the
remaining portion of defendants' rural property." (181) For
the Jenkins court, a mowed lawn is a signal, like a fence, that an area
is private. (182)
State v. Bayless (183) also held that a mowed area is part of a
house's enclosure. (184) An officer, acting on a tip that marijuana
was growing in Bayless' garden, went to the back of the house
without a warrant and observed four marijuana plants growing among
tomato and corn plants. Bayless argued on appeal that the marijuana
plants seized were within the curtilage. The court of appeals agreed and
held that the plants should have been excluded, noting under the second
Dunn factor "that the area between the house and the garden was
mowed lawn and beyond the garden was a field of tall weeds." (185)
Finally, in United States v. Reilly, (186) although the court used
the Dunn framework to organize its curtilage inquiry, it based its
conclusion almost exclusively on the fact that officers had discovered
marijuana plants while on the defendant's lawn. In the court's
findings of fact, it discussed at great length the defendant's
efforts to establish the lawn on his eleven-acre property, which had
once been a farm field--Reilly tilled the soil and planted the seed,
rolled the lawn, and made sure that it was mowed with both a push and
riding mower. (187) It was from this "groomed" (188) area that
the officers observed marijuana growing in Reilly's cottage and in
a wooded area.
Based on the Dunn factors alone, the court could have concluded
that the lawn was not protected curtilage. Under the first Dunn factor,
the court acknowledged that the area where the officers discovered the
plants was approximately 375 feet from the residence. (189) The court
also observed that factor two had not been satisfied: "[T]he court
does not find that any fence or natural structure can be said to clearly
mark the limits of the curtilage between the main residence and the
wooded area and the cottage." (190) Similarly, the court noted that
factor three, the "use" factor, and factor four, "the
steps taken to prevent observation," had not been clearly
satisfied. (191) At bottom, the court based its conclusion on a mow-line
rule--the area was curtilage because it was a "well-groomed"
lawn:
In summary, the court concludes that the officers violated
defendant's Fourth Amendment rights when they searched his property
without a warrant on September 6, 1991. This conclusion is mainly
premised on the layout of defendant's property at the time of the
warrantless search. Unlike the property in Dunn, defendant's
property was not subdivided by fencing. The grounds were groomed
and well maintained, and although boundary fencing was down at
several locations, it should have been readily apparent to an
observer that the groomed area of the property was private
.... Viewed as a whole, an observer could reasonably conclude
that the area in question "harbors the intimate activity associated
with the sanctity of a man's home and the privacies of life."
In short, the officers had no right to approach the cottage or
wooded area without a warrant, because the nature of the grounds
made it apparent that it was part of the curtilage of defendant's
home. (192)
III. IS LAWN PRIVACY REASONABLE?
As Part 1.E suggested, although courts sometimes look to mow-lines
within the Dunn standard to guide the curtilage inquiry, the Supreme
Court may be moving away from Dunn's curtilage factors and turning
to a Katz reasonableness framework. The question here is whether an
expectation of privacy in the lawn is "one that society is prepared
to recognize as reasonable." (193) This Part first examines the
expectation of privacy by looking at the history of the residential lawn
and then examines curtilage in today's American urban and suburban
contexts.
A. Brief History of Lawn Privacy
The cases discussed in Part II indicate there is a proclivity by
some courts to view the residential lawn as private under the Fourth
Amendment. A well-manicured grass carpet may be enough to establish the
curtilage. (194) As this brief history suggests, however, privacy in the
lawn may not be commercial construction so clear-cut. (195)
Lawns as they are thought of today were uncommon in America before
the mid-nineteenth century. (196) In general, towns were the basis for
America's development. (197) The early settlers generally favored
town life because it offered them security and was a continuation of a
living system with which they were familiar. (198) Although no clear
settlement pattern developed in the New World, by the time of
America's founding, (199) a "typical" house was set on a
tiny lot in a densely settled neighborhood. (200) As towns grew into
urban centers, very little space surrounded the house. (201) Front yards
and side yards were almost nonexistent. (202) Backyards were usually
less than twenty-five feet deep, "and the little space that was not
built upon was typically rancid, disreputable, and overrun by
rodents." (203) The backyard space was private insofar as "a
social occasion there would have been unthinkable." (204)
Fast forwarding to the mid-nineteenth century, the appeal of
"jammed-together" houses was waning and the idea of suburban
living was on the rise. (205) While there are many explanations for the
rise of the suburban environment--a concern for family health, a
reaction to urban congestion, and the growth of the commuter railroad
(206)--it is clear the growth of the suburbs encouraged a new vision for
the house that included the lawn. This "new" house, as
illustrated in the popular pattern books and architectural treatises of
this era, sat in an open rural setting surrounded by a grass lawn. (207)
Some have argued that the suburban house reflected a desire for a
more secluded and private home life. (208) Even if this is so, it is
anything but clear that the lawn surrounding the house itself was
private. Residents planted lawns for public view. The favored aesthetic
device of this period was the "borrowed view"--designing
landscapes without enclosures so a spectator could enjoy a long vista
beyond his own property. For this reason, fences and walls were highly
contested in the suburban image. (209) Generally, grass lawns were open
and exposed, rather than enclosed for privacy. (210)
By the late nineteenth century, designers had taken the idea of the
individual house surrounded by a lawn and aggregated it into suburban
residential communities such as Llewellyn Park, New Jersey. (211) In
these early developments, where the houses sat within a park-like
setting, the lawn was considered a communal space. (212) These early
residential developments served as precursors to the twentieth-century
suburbs and lawns. (213)
It is questionable that the lawn in the twentieth century was
considered private. (214) In the mid-twentieth century, in Levittown,
one of America's most emulated housing communities, a former
resident described the total openness of the lawns: "[W]e used to
talk about ... how there were no hedges ... in the old days, no fences,
no locked doors. Everyone's home was your home; we all walked back
and forth like it was one big yard." (215) Today, it is also
unclear whether the lawn--in the suburban context at least--is private.
(216)
B. Curtilage's Antiurban Bias
The impulse behind the courts' protection of the manicured
lawn's privacy may lie in a romanticized, bucolic vision of the
American house. (217) What has followed from this ideal is that
urbanites seem to have less curtilage protection than those who live in
rural environs.
For example, the defendant in United States v. Redmon (218) lived
in an eight-unit townhouse and put his garbage out for collection next
to his unit's garage door. A "constitutional garbage
issue" arose when officers without search warrants removed the
contents of Redmon's garbage cans while the garbage cans were
sitting just outside his garage on the common driveway awaiting
collection. (219) The officers found evidence of drugs in the garbage,
and Redmon argued that the search violated the Fourth Amendment. The
majority rejected the application of the curtilage doctrine in this
context and decided the case under a reasonableness framework--holding
that Redmon's expectation of privacy in the trash was unreasonable.
(220) In dissent, Judge Posner opined that the court should have applied
the curtilage doctrine. (221) He emphasized that under the
majority's approach, urban dwellings have no curtilage (222) and
had the following to say about context and privacy expectations:
Of course it is simple realism that people who live in rural
areas or have wealth will have more physical privacy than people who
live in cities or working-class suburbs, and that therefore they
will derive more protection from the Fourth Amendment. That does not
trouble me; the wealthy have advantages in every department of life.
What does bother me is the idea that the police have carte blanche
to invade the property rights of people who by virtue of living on
small lots place their garbage cans near their house. (223)
Other courts have made general observations about the expectation
of privacy in rural versus urban contexts. In United States v.
Broadhurst, (224) the court held that officers violated the
defendant's Fourth Amendment rights by flying, without a warrant,
in circles around the defendant's greenhouse in an effort to
determine its contents. The court, in analyzing the aerial surveillance
under the Fourth Amendment, paid particular attention to the rural
setting of Broadhurst's property: "Furthermore, it is at least
arguable that a defendant's reasonable expectation of privacy is
heightened rather than diminished as a result of locating his business
in a rural, rather than an urban area. After all, privacy is a principal
reason 'to move to the country.'" (225) The court in
United States v. Ramapuram (226) also commented on how privacy
expectations differ in the country from the city: "Unlike an urban
dweller, whose activities and effects are more likely to be viewed by
the casual passerby, the rural dweller reasonably can expect more
privacy concerning his activities and his effects if his premises are
far removed from the public road." (227) Finally, in United States
v. Cruz Pagan, (228) the court commented:
In a modern urban multi-family apartment house, the area within the
"curtilage" is necessarily much more limited than in the case of a
rural dwelling subject to one owner's control. In such an apartment
house, a tenant's "dwelling" cannot reasonably be said to extend
beyond his own apartment and perhaps any separate areas subject to
his exclusive control. (229)
The notion that there is a reduced expectation of urban privacy
occasionally injects itself into the curtilage doctrine through the Dunn
factors. (230) Within Dunn's first
factor--"proximity"---courts have noted that in terms of
distance, urban curtilage is "exponentially" smaller than
rural curtilage. (231) Conversely, courts have held that the zone of
curtilage as a general matter is larger in a rural or
"outdoor" setting. (232)
Courts usually do not discuss the character of the environment
within Dunn factor two ("enclosure") or three
("use"), (233) but it is discussed within the fourth factor.
For example, in Jenkins, (234) under the fourth factor the court stated,
"It is also important to remember that defendants live in a remote
and sparsely populated rural area where they would have had no
particular reason to believe that they needed to construct a high
impenetrable fence around the backyard in order to ensure their
privacy." (235)
C. 'Burb Curtilage
Suburbia is neither the country, nor the city so it is hard to know
whether curtilage's prorural bent carries into the suburban context
and what kind of expectation of privacy is reasonable. Suburban housing
developments have continued to expand in the twenty-first century, (236)
and, as a result, courts are likely to face increasing
extent-of-curtilage questions as applied to the suburbs. (237)
In the suburban front lawn at least, an expectation of privacy is
questionable. Most writers on this subject view the front yard as
public. (238) The question of the expectation of privacy in the other
mowed areas around the house is more difficult. (239) One critic at
least has commented on the lifelessness of the mowed areas in suburbia:
"'[T]he mowed lawns beyond my yard appear so naked, bleak and
cruel ... absent of all life.'" (240) If curtilage protects
"'the privacies of life,'" (241) a question for the
courts as they move forward is whether a privacy expectation in mowed
lawns of the suburbs is one that they think society is prepared to honor
as reasonable.
CONCLUSION
This Note set out to investigate the developing definition of
curtilage. Part I traced the expansion of the common law understanding
of curtilage as applied to the Fourth Amendment. Originally, curtilage
protected only structures surrounding the house. The "modern
curtilage" as formulated in Oliver expanded this idea by covering
the ground space between structures. The curtilage then went vertical in
the context of the aerial surveillance cases. Part I closed with a
question--whether curtilage will continue in the face of the Supreme
Court's continued reliance on Katz for Fourth Amendment questions.
Part II examined the difficulties following the importation of
England's curtilage doctrine into the American context. The
increase in domestic marijuana production has highlighted the difficulty
of finding the curtilage boundary in America. As a result, under Dunn
courts have to look for clues in the landscape to resolve
extent-of-curtilage questions. Courts often look to mow-lines for
answers.
Part III questioned whether lawn privacy is one that society is
prepared to recognize as reasonable. It looked briefly at the history of
the lawn as a way to question whether the grass surrounding a house is
private. Given the emphasis on lawns in the curtilage doctrine, Part III
also examined the implications of an antiurban bias toward the curtilage
and ended by briefly considering suburban curtilage. Although the Note
posed as many questions as it answered, at least one thing is clear for
curtilage--for privacy's sake, cut the grass.
(1.) State v. Chaussee, 866 P.2d 643, 646 n.3 (Wash. Ct. App. 1994)
(alteration in original) (quoting the trial court).
(2.) See TERENCE RILEY, THE UN-PRIVATE HOUSE (1999).
(3.) MAGGIE JACKSON, WHAT'S HAPPENING TO HOME?: BALANCING
WORK, LIFE, AND REFUGE IN THE INFORMATION AGE 39 (2002) (quoting Terence
Riley).
(4.) In the recent past, the household and public realms were
"'distinct, separate entities.'" RILEY, supra note
2, at 14 (quoting Hannah Arendt). But today, we may only
"'hope of rediscovering, at least in our own minds, the line
between private life and public exposure.'" Id. (quoting
Hannah Arendt). Riley uses Frank Lloyd Wright's A Home in a Prairie
Town--a design published in the Ladies' Home Journal's
February 1901 issue--as an example of "how refined the notion of
privacy in the private house had become by the twentieth century."
Id. Wright's design afforded "absolute privacy" from the
public and the other houses on the block, Id.
(5.) The exclusionary rule requires the suppression of evidence obtained in violation of a defendant's constitutional rights. See
Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961) (applying the exclusionary rule to the
states). See generally Christopher Slobogin, Why Liberals Should Chuck
the Exclusionary Rule, 1999 U. ILL. L. REV. 363 (examining the theories
supporting the exclusionary rule and proposing that a damages regime
would be more effective than the rule as a means to ensure police and
courts abide by the Fourth Amendment).
(6.) See, e.g., United States v. Arboleda, 633 F.2d 985,992 (2d
Cir. 1980) ("In its recent decision in Payton v. New York, the
Supreme Court identified the line at which the requirement for an arrest
warrant takes hold as 'the entrance to the house' and the
'threshold.'" (citation omitted) (quoting United States
v. Santana, 427 U.S. 38, 42 (1976))).
(7.) 466 U.S. 170 (1984).
(8.) See United States v. Redmon, 138 F.3d 1109, 1112 (7th Cir.
1998) (en banc) (stating that the curtilage "is an imaginary
boundary line between privacy and accessibility to the public").
(9.) See infra note 69 and accompanying text.
(10.) See Oliver, 466 U.S. at 180 (defining curtilage as "the
land immediately surrounding and associated with the home").
(11.) Id. at 182 n.12.
(12.) 480 U.S. 294 (1987); see also United States v. Reilly, 76
F.3d 1271, 1275 (2d Cir. 1996) ("Hester and Olmstead adopted the
concept of curtilage, but its contours remained unclear until the
Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Dunn." (citation
omitted)). Courts have created shorthand headings for the four factors,
such as: (1) proximity, (2) enclosure, (3) use, and (4) visibility.
United States v. Johnson, 256 F.3d 895, 901-03 (9th Cir. 2001).
(13.) Dunn, 480 U.S. at 301.
(14.) Id.
(15.) See infra note 125 and accompanying text.
(16.) See infra Part II.
(17.) Oliver v. United States, 466 U.S. 170, 180 (1984) (citation
and internal quotation marks omitted).
(18.) See infra note 23 and accompanying text.
(19.) See Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961); see also supra note 5.
(20.) 533 U.S. 27 (2001).
(21.) 389 U.S. 347 (1967).
(22.) Since the Katz decision, the Court has followed the two-part
test outlined by Justice Harlan: "[F]irst that a person have
exhibited an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy and, second,
that the expectation be one that society is prepared to recognize as
'reasonable.'" Id. at 361 (Harlan, J., concurring).
(23.) See ELLEN ALDERMAN & CAROLINE KENNEDY, THE RIGHT TO
PRIVACY, at xiv (1995) ("We began our research with the same gut
reaction that most people have: there is less privacy than there used to
be. As we immersed ourselves further in the topic, reading privacy cases
and talking with people who had tried (and often failed) to vindicate
their loss of privacy through the legal system, we concluded that things
were worse than we originally thought."); JACKSON, supra note 3, at
43 ("Today, it's almost impossible to pick up a newspaper
without seeing an article about a new threat to Americans'
privacy."); JEFFREY ROSEN, THE UNWANTED GAZE: THE DESTRUCTION OF
PRIVACY IN AMERICA 3, 12, 27 (2000) (stating that "changes in law
as well as changes in technology are blurting the boundaries between
home and work, reducing the backstage areas in which we can retreat from
public view," discussing "how dramatically privacy protections
have eroded," and "consider[ing] ways of reconstructing some
of the zones of privacy that law and technology have been allowed to
invade"); Kathleen Stewart, Nostalgia--A Polemic, 3 CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY 227, 231 (1988) ("There is no clear 'inside'
or 'outside' anymore, no private and public spheres of
life."). But see Marilyn Gardner, What's Happening to the
American Home?, CHRISTIAN SCI. MONITOR, July 24, 2002, at 15, available
at http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/0724/p15s02-lihc.html ("Size of
new US houses has been increasing 500 square feet every 20 years, while
the average family size has shrunk from 3.4 in 1950 to 2.6 in
2000.") (last visited Feb. 5, 2004).
(24.) See Oliver v. United States, 466 U.S. 170, 180 (1984)
("At common law, the curtilage is the area to which extends the
intimate activities associated with the sanctity of a man's home
and the privacies of life, and therefore has been considered part of the
home itself for Fourth Amendment purposes." (citation and internal
quotation marks omitted)); Eric Dean Bender, The Fourth Amendment in the
Age of Aerial Surveillance: Curtains for the Curtilage?, 60 N.Y.U.L.
REV. 725,727 (1985) (reviewing "the historical background of the
definition of 'house' and its curtilage at common law"
and "conclud[ing] that for fourth amendment purposes
'house' includes its curtilage, and that the curtilage is
therefore constitutionally protected from unreasonable searches and
seizures").
(25.) For the continued relevance of this analysis, see Hart v.
Myers, 183 F. Supp. 2d 512, 521 (D. Conn. 2002) (analyzing "whether
the [small wooden hunting] structure on the property was a home, from
which curtilage could extend"), aff'd, 50 Fed. Appx. 45 (2d
Cir. 2002). The court determined that the structure was a home based on
its function: "[T]here is evidence from which a reasonable juror could find that plaintiffs used the structure for sleeping as well as
other privacies of the home." 183 F. Supp. 2d at 522; see also
infra note 53 and accompanying text (discussing a structure's
function as a way to decide "house" questions).
(26.) 389 U.S. 347 (1967).
(27.) Id. at 351.
(28.) See 1 WAYNE R. LAFAVE, THE FOURTH AMENDMENT 465 ("[E]ven
under the Katz justified-expectation-of-privacy approach, it is still
useful to view residential premises as a place especially protected
against unreasonable police intrusion."). Justice Harlan in Katz
acknowledged that "a man's home is, for most purposes, a place
where he expects privacy." Katz, 389 U.S. at 361 (Harlan, J.,
concurring).
(29.) See Dow Chem. Co. v. United States, 476 U.S. 227, 239 (1986)
("We conclude that the open areas of an industrial plant complex
with numerous plant structures spread over an area of 2,000 acres are
not analogous to the 'curtilage' of a dwelling for purposes of
aerial surveillance."). But see United States v. Swart, 679 F.2d
698, 702 (7th Cir. 1982) ("Therefore, the cars may have been within
the curtilage of the business buildings.").
(30.) See BEATRIZ COLOMINA, PRWACY AND PUBLICITY: ARCHITECTURE AS
MASS MEDIA 7 (1994) (discussing "'Le Corbusier's basic
definition of the primordial idea of the house--'The house is a
shelter, an enclosed space, which affords protection against cold, heat,
and outside observation.'").
(31.) The Fourth Amendment states:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be
seized.
U.S. CONST. amend. IV.
(32.) Although privacy has many different meanings, Jeffrey Rosen
has suggested that private spaces are analogous to backstage areas,
where "individuals, like actors in a theater ... can let down their
public masks, collect themselves, and relieve the tensions that are an
inevitable part of public performance." ROSEN, supra note 23, at
12.
(33.) See Payton v. New York, 445 U.S. 573, 585 (1980)
("[P]hysical entry of the home is the chief evil against which the
wording of the Fourth Amendment is directed." (citation omitted)).
(34.) 471 U.S. 386 (1985).
(35.) Other Supreme Court cases have extended Fourth Amendment
protection beyond the house to spaces such as hotel rooms. But these
cases have not explicitly compared spaces like hotel rooms with
"houses." See Stoner v. California, 376 U.S. 483, 490 (1964)
("No less than a tenant of a house, or the occupant of a room in a
boarding house, a guest in a hotel room is entitled to constitutional
protection against unreasonable searches and seizures." (citations
omitted)); United States v. Jeffers, 342 U.S. 48 (1951) (holding that a
seizure of drugs in a hotel room without a warrant violated the Fourth
Amendment).
(36.) See People v. Carney, 668 P.2d 807, 810 (Cal. 1983)
("The court in Carroll premised its analysis on the notion that
there is a constitutional difference between houses and cars. The
underlying rationale for this distinction was the inherent mobility of
automobiles."), rev'd sub nom., California v. Carney, 471 U.S.
386 (1985); see also Carroll v. United States, 267 U.S. 132 (1925)
(announcing the automobile exception).
(37.) Carney, 668 P.2d at 812.
(38.) Id.
(39.) Id. at 813.
(40.) Id.
(41.) Id. at 814.
(42.) California v. Carney, 471 U.S. 386, 390 (1985) (relying on
Carroll for the distinction between stationary structures and vehicles
that can be "quickly moved").
(43.) Id. at 393.
(44.) Over time, the Court might have to elaborate on this
statement if more people choose to live in mobile homes. See Robert
Kronenburg, Preface to MOBILE: THE ART OF PORTABLE ARCHITECTURE
(Jennifer Siegal ed., 2002) ("Now it seems that a return to mobile
living is imminent for many more of us. In North America, it is a common
phenomenon for retired people, released from the burden of a
lifetime's work, to sell the house, buy a trailer home, and become
'snowbirds.' Moving between the fixed homes of their children
and grandchildren, they follow the clement weather from north to
south....").
(45.) Carney, 471 U.S. at 406 (Stevens, J., dissenting).
(46.) Id.
(47.) Id.
(48.) Id.
(49.) Id. at 393.
(50.) Id. at 407 (Stevens, J., dissenting).
(51.) See Kelley v. State, 245 S.E.2d 872, 874-75 (Ga. Ct. App.
1978) ("Though a tent may not provide the sturdy protection against
the winds, the rains, the heat, and the cold, which a customary house
provides, the tent-dweller is no less protected from unreasonable
government intrusions merely because his dwelling has walls of canvas
rather than walls of stone."). For a Fourth Amendment analysis of
camping structures, see Robert J. Leibovich, Privacy Goes Camping:
Staking a Claim on the Fourth Amendment, 26 U. MEM. L. REV. 293 (1995).
(52.) See United States v. Ruckman, 806 F.2d 1471 (10th Cir. 1986)
(rejecting Ruckman's claim that the natural cave on public lands
that he was inhabiting came under the ambit of the Fourth
Amendment's prohibition of unreasonable searches of
"houses" because Ruckman had no legal right to occupy the land
and therefore had no reasonable expectation of privacy in the cave);
Care v. United States, 231 F.2d 22, 25 (10th Cir. 1956) ("The cave
in the instant case was in a plowed field, across a road and more than a
long city block from the home. It gave no evidence of ever having been
used as a refuge from storms or for normal uses of a cave adjacent to a
home such as the storage of foods or dairy products.").
(53.) See Kelley, 245 S.E.2d at 875 ("A dwelling place,
whether flimsy or firm, permanent or transient, is its inhabitant's
unquestionable zone of privacy under the Fourth Amendment."); see
also Care, 231 F.2d at 25; Hart v. Myers, 183 F. Supp. 2d 512, 522 (D.
Conn. 2002), aff'd, 50 Fed. Appx. 45 (2d Cir. 2002); Commonwealth
v. Peterson, 596 A.2d 172, 177 (Pa. Super. Ct. 1991) ("[I]t is not
the superficial characteristics of a structure, its walls, windows,
doors, or even furnishings, which give it the constitutional cloak
accorded a home. Rather, it is the habitation of the structure and its
use as a residence which form the purpose of the constitutional
protection."), aff'd, 636 A.2d 615 (Pa. 1993); cf.
Commonwealth v. Cameron, 561 A.2d 783, 787 (Pa. Super. Ct. 1989)
("A television, a couch, and a platter of food are insufficient
attributes of a home....").
(54.) See United States v. Jenkins, 124 F.3d 768, 772 (6th Cir.
1997) ("[T]he curtilage is considered part of the house itself for
Fourth Amendment purposes.") (citing Oliver v. United States, 466
U.S. 170, 180 (1984)); Fullbright v. United States, 392 F.2d 432, 435
(10th Cir. 1968) ("The word 'houses' in the Fourth
Amendment has been extended by the courts to include the
cartilage."); Kelley, 245 S.E.2d at 875 (holding that once the tent
was determined to be a dwelling place, it was surrounded by curtilage:
"[T]here can be no question but that the clearing and garden
adjacent to these tents was in the curtilage."). Curtilage is
considered under the Fourth Amendment's protection of
"houses" not "effects." Oliver, 466 U.S. at 186 n.l
(Marshall, J., dissenting) ("The Court informs us that the Framers
would have understood the term 'effects' to encompass only
personal property.").
(55.) See infra note 125 and accompanying text.
(56.) See Fullbright, 392 F.2d at 435 n.7 ("The term
[curtilage] was of special importance at common law since the breaking
and entering of a building outside the curtilage did not constitute
burglary."); Wright v. State, 77 S.E. 657, 658 (Ga. Ct. App. 1913)
("Under the common law, burglary could only be committed in a
dwelling-house; and for this reason the outhouses which were within the
curtilage were considered a part of the dwelling-house."); Hutchins
v. State, 59 S.E. 848, 849 (Ga. Ct. App. 1907) ("A corn-crib,
unless it be within the cuttilage, is not the subject-matter of
burglary."); C.S. Parnell, Annotation, Burglary: Outbuildings or
the Like as Part of "Dwelling House ", 43 A.L.R.2d 831 (1955).
(57.) 4 WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, COMMENTARIES *225 (emphasis added); see
also Bender, supra note 24, at 732 & n.33 (defining
"homestall" as "farm-yard").
(58.) See Parnell, supra note 56, at 834 ("This principle was
applied quite literally in England ... it being necessary that the
outbuilding be physically inclosed by the same wall or fence which
inclosed the dwelling before the structure could be considered part or
parcel of the dwelling so that one breaking into it with the necessary
felonious intent would be punishable for the offense of
burglary.").
(59.)
[W]here properties were so inclosed, there was no difficulty in
applying the [curtilage as boundary] theory. However, it became
evident in the American jurisdictions that such a literal conception
would work much mischief, since the American homestead was not
usually walled for purposes of protection. The theory then began to
gain recognition that an outbuilding could be within the curtilage
although no wall or fence inclose the home and its appurtenant
outbuildings."
Id. As discussed in Part II, infra, the difficulty of establishing
the boundary of the curtilage in America has led courts to search for
other boundary markers like mow-lines.
(60.) 255 U.S. 313 (1921).
(61.) Id. at 314 (emphasis added). For another pre-Katz case
suggesting that the Fourth Amendment applies to buildings in the
curtilage, see Care v. United States, 231 F.2d 22, 25 (10th Cir. 1956).
The protection of the Fourth Amendment "does, however, apply to
buildings within the curtilage which may include a garage, a barn, a
smokehouse, a chicken house or similar property." Id.
(62.) Amos, 255 U.S. at 317.
(63.) True, burglary is a breaking and entering, so logically under
burglary law going onto another person's lawn would not subject a
person to a burglary offense. However, security of the yard at the time
Amos was decided was not thought to be of such importance that it was
given special protection.
(64.) The curtilage can also work in "reverse"--allowing
searches. For example, if a warrant only expressly allows for a search
of a house, courts have held that curtilage is also covered by the
warrant. See United States v. Gorman, 104 F.3d 272, 275 (9th Cir. 1996)
("Additionally, several state courts have held that the Fourth
Amendment is not violated by a search of the grounds or outbuildings
within a residence's curtilage where a warrant authorizes a search
of the residence."); State v. Vicars, 299 N.W.2d 421,425 (Neb.
1980) (warrant authorizing search of defendant's residence
permitted search of a calf shed 100 feet away from the house on the
opposite side of a chain link fence); State v. Trapper, 269 S.E.2d 680,
684 (N.C. Ct. App. 1980) (warrant authorizing search of house trailer
permitted search of a tool shed thirty feet away); State v. Stewart, 274
A.2d 500, 502 (Vt. 1971) (warrant authorizing search of house permitted
search of a tree in the curtilage).
(65.) Cf. infra fig. 3.
(66.) 466 U.S. 170 (1984).
(67.) It is true that the space of the curtilage, as distinct from
structures, was protected in the exception to the duty to retreat. See
Madry v. State, 78 So. 866, 868 (Ala. 1918) ("The rule is of
universal acceptance that a person assailed is not bound to retreat from
his own dwelling to avoid killing his assailant, even though a retreat
could be safely made. And this doctrine is applied to the curtilage, or
such space as is customarily occupied by the dwelling house and out
buildings appurtenant thereto."); see also United States v.
Gilliam, 26 F. Cas. 1319 (D.D.C. 1854) (No. 15,205a) (considering the
extent of curtilage with regard to a goose house); L.S. Rogers,
Annotation, Homicide: Extent of Premises Which May Be Defended Without
Retreat Under Right of Self-Defense, 52 A.L.R.2d 1458 (1957). But the
curtilage's lineage in the Fourth Amendment context is connected
with burglary law through Blackstone. See infra text accompanying notes
82-84.
(68.) The Supreme Court cases between Amos and Oliver mentioning
curtilage in the Fourth Amendment context suggest that only structures
are protected by the Amendment. See Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S.
438, 466 (1928) ("[There is no Fourth Amendment violation] unless
there has been an official search and seizure of his person, or such a
seizure of his papers or his tangible material effects, or an actual
physical invasion of his house 'or curtilage' for the purpose
of making a seizure."); Scher v. United States, 305 U.S. 251,255
(1938) (holding that a warrantless search of an automobile in a garage
within the curtilage did not violate the Fourth Amendment because the
officers closely following the car could have properly searched the car
before it passed into the open garage); Goldman v. United States, 316
U.S. 129, 141 n.8 (1942) (Murphy, J., dissenting) (citing Olmstead); Poe
v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497, 551 (1961) (Harlan, J., dissenting) ("[I]f
the physical curtilage of the home is protected, it is surely as a
result of solicitude to protect the privacies of the life
within."); United States v. White, 401 U.S. 745, 748 (1971) (citing
Olmstead); Coolidge v. New Hampshire, 403 U.S. 443, 459 n.17 (1971)
(citing Scher); Trapper v. North Carolina, 451 U.S. 997, 999 (1981)
(noting that the warrant allowed the search of the "Lombardo house
and curtilage, including a metal storage building").
(69.) Oliver's curtilage is modern in two ways. First, modern
simply means "new" in the sense that the Court's
definition of curtilage was different from the common law doctrine that
only protected structures. If the common law protected
"enclosed" spaces in structures surrounding the home, modern
curtilage protects the void spaces--"the outdoor areas or spaces
between structures and buildings." Dow Chem. Co. v. United States,
476 U.S. 227, 236 (1986). In the architecture profession, this
distinction is articulated as the difference between "figural"
or enclosed spaces, and the modern conception of space as open or
"free." See Adi Shamir Zion, Introduction to OPEN HOUSE:
UNBOUND SPACE AND THE MODERN DWELLING 6, 11 (Dung Ngo ed., 2002)
(discussing the use of the "free plan" in the modern house);
see also Michael Graves, A Case for Figurative Architecture, in MICHAEL
GRAVES BUILDINGS AND PROJECTS 1966-1981, at 11 (Karen Vogel Wheeler,
Peter Amen & Ted Bickford eds., 1982). Second, modern means
post-Katz.
(70.) The modern definition of curtilage as including the
"yard" or "lawn" has gained popular acceptance. See
ALDERMAN &, KENNEDY, supra note 23, at 25 ("[T]he law even
recognizes a certain zone of privacy around the home that we can
reasonably expect to reserve for ourselves. That space, along with our
house, is protected by the Fourth Amendment. Under the law, this area is
known as the 'curtilage.' To most of us, it is known as our
yard.").
(71.) Note that under this doctrine, a trespass is not the same as
entry into the curtilage. See Oliver, 466 U.S. at 180 n. 15 ("[T]he
law of trespass confers protections from intrusion by others far broader
then those required by Fourth Amendment interests.").
(72.) See United States v. Karo, 468 U.S. 705, 715 (1984)
(excluding evidence and stating that an unreasonable search occurs if
"without a warrant, the Government surreptitiously employs an
electronic device to obtain information that it could not have obtained
by observation from outside the curtilage of the house"); see also
supra note 5.
(73.) Hester v. United States, 265 U.S. 57, 59 (1924).
(74.) Two cases, No. 82-15 and No. 82-1273, were consolidated.
Oliver, 466 U.S. at 170.
(75.) See Declan McCullagh, Privacy a Victim of the Drug War,
WIRED, Dec. 11, 2000, available at
http://www.wired.com/news/politics/0,1283,40532,00.html (last visited
Feb. 25, 2004); Steven Duke, The Drug War on the Constitution, at
http://www.cato.org/realaudio/drugwar/papers/duke.html (last visited
Feb. 25, 2004).
(76.) See Schaffer Library of Drug Policy, Federal Court Decisions
on Drugs by Decade: 1980, at
http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/legal/legal1980.htm (last visited
Nov. 5, 2003).
(77.) These facts relate to case No. 82-15. See Oliver, 466 U.S. at
173-74.
(78.) Hester, 265 U.S. at 59 ("[T]he special protection
accorded by the Fourth Amendment to the people in their 'persons,
houses, papers, and effects,' is not extended to the open
fields.").
(79.) Oliver, 466 U.S. at 184.
(80.) See id at 180 n. 11.
(81.) See supra Part I.B.
(82.) 265 U.S. 57 (1924).
(83.) 116 U.S. 616 (1886).
(84.) Oliver, 466 U.S. at 180 (citations omitted). The way this
sentence is drafted, with "curtilage" in quotation marks,
makes it appear that the Hester opinion distinguished between open
fields and curtilage. In fact, the Hester opinion makes no mention of
curtilage. See United States v. Reilly, 76 F.3d 1271, 1275 (2d Cir.
1996) (discussing how Blackstone's distinction between curtilage
and open fields for the common law of burglary "found its way into
American jurisprudence through an opinion by Justice Holmes, who held
that 'the special protection accorded by the Fourth Amendment to
the people in their persons, houses, papers and effects is not extended
to the open fields.'" (quoting Hester, 265 U.S. at 59)).
(85.) 116 U.S. at 630.
(86.) Oliver, 466 U.S. at 180 (quoting Boyd, 116 U.S. at 630).
(87.) Id.
(88.) In United States v. Karo, the first Supreme Court curtilage
case following Oliver, the Court again suggested that the curtilage was
an outdoor space, not just a structure. 468 U.S. 705, 715 (1984)
("For purposes of the [Fourth] Amendment, the result is the same
where, without a warrant, the Government surreptitiously employs an
electronic device to obtain information that it could not have obtained
by observation outside the curtilage."). Similarly, in Dow Chemical
Co. v. United States, the third case after Oliver mentioning curtilage,
the Court explicitly stated, "The curtilage area immediately
surrounding a private house has long been given protection as a place
where the occupants have a reasonable and legitimate expectation of
privacy that society is prepared to accept." 476 U.S. 227, 235
(1986) (rejecting "industrial curtilage"). However, the only
authority the Court cited in support of the longstanding history of this
modern notion of curtilage was California v. Ciraolo, a case decided by
the Supreme Court on the same day it decided Dow Chemical. See
California v. Ciraolo, 476 U.S. 207, 214 n.3 (1986); see also infra Part
I.D. Dow Chemical clearly established the modern definition of curtilage
as protecting more than just structures; it "reach[ed] the outdoor
areas or spaces between structures." 476 U.S. at 236.
(89.) The modern definition of curtilage is present in
"reverse curtilage" cases. See e.g., United States v. Gorman,
104 F.3d 272 (9th Cir. 1996) (holding that a warrant expressly allowing
the search of a bus-residence implicitly allows officers to search the
grounds of the curtilage around the residence); supra note 64 and
accompanying text.
(90.) 466 U.S. at 182 n.12.
(91.) 480 U.S. 294 (1987).
(92.) See supra note 14 and accompanying text. The Court in Dunn
rejected a bright-line rule for curtilage: "We decline the
Government's invitation to adopt a 'bright-line-rule'
that 'the curtilage should extend no farther than the nearest fence
surrounding a fenced house.'" Dunn, 480 U.S. at 301 n.4; see
also infra Part II (discussing curtilage rules).
(93.) A year after Dunn, the Court decided that trash left on the
street for collection was not covered by the Fourth Amendment. See
California v. Greenwood, 486 U.S. 35 (1988).
(94.) See Krause v. Penny, 837 F.2d 595,597 (2d Cir. 1988) (holding
that driveways that are "readily accessible to visitors are not
entitled to the same degree of Fourth Amendment protection as are the
interiors of defendants' houses"); Lorenzana v. Superior
Court, 511 P.2d 33, 35 (Cal. 1973) ("A sidewalk, pathway, common
entrance or similar passageway offers an implied permission to the
public to enter which necessarily negates any reasonable expectation of
privacy in regard to observations made there."); see also infra
note 218 and accompanying text (discussing United States v. Redmon, 138
F.3d 1109 (7th Cir. 1998)); cf United States v. Diehl, 276 F.3d 32, 39
(lst Cir. 2002) ("On scrutiny, the driveway cases cited from this
circuit and others do not stand for the proposition urged by the
government, that 'there is no Fourth Amendment protection in
driveways'.... We noted in our prior conclusion that 'there is
no expectation of privacy in a driveway that is exposed to the
public'...." (quoting United States v. Roccio, 981 F.2d 587,
591 (lst Cir. 1992))), cert. denied, 537 U.S. 834 (2002).
(95.) The Court has never adopted the concept of "vertical
curtilage." Instead, curtitage as viewed from above is analyzed
under the Katz reasonableness framework. See Florida v. Riley, 488 U.S.
445 (1989) (holding that observation of the curtilage from a police
helicopter flying at 400 feet, which was not contrary to law or
regulation, was not a search); California v. Ciraolo, 476 U.S. 207, 213
(1986) (holding that observation of the curtilage from "public
navigable airspace," in this case 1000 feet above ground, was not
an unreasonable search). Other courts, however, have discussed vertical
curtilage. See infra note 96.
(96.) See, e.g., Commonwealth v. Oglialoro, 547 A.2d 387, 392 (Pa.
Super. Ct. 1988) (Kelly, J., concurring) (discussing "vertical
curtilage"), aff'd, 579 A.2d 1288 (Pa. 1990).
(97.) Ciraolo, 476 U.S. at 213.
(98.) Id. at 214 ("[R]espondent's expectation that his
garden was protected from observation is unreasonable and is not an
expectation that society is prepared to honor....").
(99.) See Dow Chem. Co. v. United States, 476 U.S. 227, 234-35
(1986) ("In California v. Ciraolo, decided today, we hold that
naked-eye aerial observation from an altitude of 1,000 feet of a
backyard within the curtilage of a home does not constitute a search
under the Fourth Amendment." (citation omitted)).
(100.) See Ciraolo, 476 U.S. at 215 ("[I]t is unreasonable for
respondent to expect that his marijuana plants were constitutionally
protected from being observed with the naked eye from an altitude of
1,000 feet. The Fourth Amendment simply does not require the police
traveling in the public airways at this altitude to obtain a warrant in
order to observe what is visible to the naked eye.").
(101.) 488 U.S. 445 (1989).
(102.) Id. at 447-48.
(103.) As in Ciraolo, the Court relied on the second part of Katz.
The Court recognized that Riley had a subjective expectation of privacy
under the first part of Katz but held that here, "such an
expectation of privacy was not reasonable and not one that 'society
is prepared to honor.'" Id. at 449 (quoting Ciraolo, 476 U.S.
at 214).
(104.) Id. at 451 ("This is not to say that an inspection of
the curtilage of a house from an aircraft will always pass muster under
the Fourth Amendment simply because the plane is within the navigable
airspace specified by law. But it is of obvious importance that the
helicopter in this case was not violating the law....").
(105.) Id. at 454 (O'Connor, J., concurring in the judgment)
("[T]he relevant inquiry after Ciraolo is not whether the
helicopter was where it had a right to be under FAA regulations. Rather,
consistent with Katz, we must ask whether the helicopter was in the
public airways at an altitude at which members of the public travel with
sufficient regularity that Riley's expectation of privacy from
aerial observation was not one that society is prepared to recognize as
reasonable." (internal quotation marks omitted)).
(106.) See supra Part I.A.
(107.) See Tri-State Steel Constr., Inc. v. Occupational Safety
& Health Review Comm'n, 26 F.3d 173, 178 (D.C. Cir. 1994)
(Williams, J., concurring in the result) (explaining Dunn as "a
special case of the more general doctrine that a reasonable expectation
of privacy is necessary for a successful 4th Amendment claim").
(108.) Factors one through three relate to the place
itself--"the proximity of the area claimed to be curtilage to the
home, whether the area is included within an enclosure surrounding the
home, the nature of the uses to which the area is put." United
States v. Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 301 (1987). Only factor four considers
"people"--"the steps taken by the resident to protect the
area from observation by people passing by." Id.
(109.) 533 U.S. 27 (2001).
(110.) See Gordon J. MacDonald, Stray Katz: Is Shredded Trash
Private?, 79 CORNELL L. REV. 452 (1994).
(111.) See supra note 95 and accompanying text.
(112.) Florida v. Riley, 488 U.S. 445, 450 (1989) (stating that
"the property surveyed was within the curtilage of
respondent's home"); California v. Ciraolo, 476 U.S. 207, 213
(1986) (accepting "that this yard and its crop fall within the
curtilage").
(113.) Riley, 488 U.S. at 449.
(114.) In decisions after the aerial surveillance cases, some
courts have looked to Katz, not Dunn, as the ultimate inquiry. See
United States v. Reilly, 76 F.3d 1271, 1276 (2d Cir. 1996) ("We
therefore begin our analysis by looking to these four [Dunn] factors.
But we do so fully conscious that the factors are not necessarily
exclusive and that we are not, in any event, to apply them
mechanistically.... The touchstone of our inquiry, therefore, remains,
whether Reilly had a reasonable expectation of privacy in his
cottage.").
(115.) Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001).
(116.) Id. at 34 ("While it may be difficult to refine Katz
when the search of areas such as telephone booths, automobiles, or even
the curtilage and uncovered portions of residences are at issue, in the
case of the search of the interior of homes--the prototypical and hence
most commonly litigated area of protected privacy--there is a ready
criterion, with roots deep in the common law, of the minimal expectation
of privacy that exists, and that is acknowledged to be
reasonable.").
(117.) Id. at 40 (quoting Payton v. New York, 445 U.S. 573, 590
(1980)).
(118.) In 1976, before Oliver or Dunn, the Seventh Circuit tried to
establish a bright-line rule--"any outbuilding or area within 75
feet of the house is within the curtilage and any outbuilding or area
further than 75 feet is outside the curtilage." United States ex
rel. Saiken v. Bensinger, 546 F.2d 1292, 1297 (7th Cir. 1976). The
Seventh Circuit has subsequently criticized its holding. See United
States v. Swart, 679 F.2d 698, 702 (7th Cir. 1982) (stating that Saiken
failed to cite Katz and that "Katz would preclude an absolute rule
that anything beyond a specific distance from a dwelling or business is
in an area unprotected by the Fourth Amendment").
(119.) United States v. Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 301 n.4 (1987)
(rejecting the government's "first fence rule" stating
"[w]e decline the Government's invitation to adopt a
'bright-line rule' that 'the curtilage should extend no
farther than the nearest fence surrounding a fenced house'");
see also United States v. Ishmael, 843 F. Supp. 205,209 (E.D. Tex. 1994)
("There are no bright lines that determine where the curtilage of a
home ends."), rev'd on other grounds, 48 F.3d 850 (5th Cir.
1995).
(120.) Florida v. Riley, 488 U.S. 445, 452-55 (1989)
(O'Connor, J., concurring in the judgment).
(121.) See United States v. Redmon, 138 F.3d 1109, 1130 (7th Cir.
1998) (en banc) (referring to "the old common law doctrine of
'curtilage'").
(122.) "Unlike Europeans, jealous of their possessions and of
their privacy, Americans did not build walls around their houses."
KENNETH T. JACKSON, CRABGRASS FRONTIER: THE SUBURBANIZATION OF THE
UNITED STATES 59 (1985).
(123.) See W.G. HOSKINS, THE MAKING OF THE ENGLISH LANDSCAPE 138-61
(Book Club Assocs. 1981) (1955) (discussing the enclosure acts and their
impact on the English landscape); PHILIP PREGILL 8. NANCY VOLKMAN,
LANDSCAPES IN HISTORY: DESIGN AND PLANNING IN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN
TRADITIONS 261 (2d ed. 1999).
(124.) See infra note 212 and accompanying text.
(125.) See Wright v. State, 77 S.E. 657, 658 (Ga. Ct. App. 1913)
("It has been several times said by learned jurists that it was
unfortunate that this term "curtilage," found in the English
statutes defining the offense of burglary, and which applies to the
dwelling and the houses surrounding the dwelling-house in England,
should have been perpetuated in the statutes of our different States;
for the term is not strictly applicable to the common disposition of
enclosures and buildings constituting the homestead of the inhabitants of this country, and particularly of farmers. In England dwellings and
outhouses of all kinds are usually surrounded by a fence or stone wall,
enclosing a small piece of land embracing the yards and outbuildings
near the house, constituting what is called the "court;" and
this constitutes the cartilage of the dwelling-house."); see also
Bare v. Commonwealth, 94 S.E. 168, 172 (Va. 1917) ("In England the
curtilage seems to have included only the buildings within the inner
fence or yard, because there, in early times, for defense, the custom
was to enclose such place with a substantial wall. In this country,
however, such walls or fences, in many cases, do not exist, so that with
us the curtilage includes the cluster of buildings constituting the
habitation or dwelling place, whether enclosed with an inner fence or
not.").
(126.) Before today's curtilage cases involving marijuana
offenses, most of the earlier curtilage cases dealt with the production
or possession of illegal liquor during Prohibition. See, e.g., Amos v.
United States, 255 U.S. 313 (1921).
(127.) The American marijuana drug culture is exemplified by High
Times, a magazine first published in 1974, which in 2002 had an average
paid circulation of 137,393. See High Times Media Kit 12, 18, available
at http://www.hightimes.com/mainsite/About/content.php?page=mediakit
(last visited Feb. 25, 2004).
(128.) Frontline: Busted (PBS television broadcast, Apr. 28, 1998)
[hereinafter Frontline].
(129.) In the mid-1970s, most marijuana was imported from Mexico
and Colombia. In the late 1970s, due to an eradication program, the
supply of the drug from Mexico dwindled. To satisfy demand, Americans
became producers of up to half of the marijuana consumed domestically.
NAT'L DRUG ENFORCEMENT POLICY BD., ANALYSIS OF THE DOMESTIC
CANNABIS PROBLEM AND THE FEDERAL RESPONSE 15 (1986).
(130.) Kevin B. Zeese, Drug Policy in America--A Continuing Debate:
Engaging the Debate Reform vs. More of the Same, 30 FORDHAM URB. L.J.
465,480 (2003).
(131.) Frontline, supra note 128.
(132.) Drug Enforcement Admin., U.S. Dep't of Justice, DEA
Programs: Marijuana Eradication, at
http://www.usdoj.gov/dea/programs/marijuanap.htm (last visited Feb. 25,
2004).
(133.) Id.
(134.) See United States v. Reilly, 875 F. Supp 108, 117 (N.D.N.Y.
1994) ("Several courts adopt the view that it does not matter
whether 'officers first trespass upon property that is obviously
curtilage ... while investigating a tip, as long as the incriminating observations themselves take place outside the protected
curtilage.' ... This court agrees...." (first omission in
original) (quoting United States v. Traynor, 990 F.2d. 1153, 1157 (9th
Cir. 1993))), aff'd, 76 F.3d 1271 (2d Cir. 1996).
(135.) See, e.g., John Gales Sauls, Curtilage: The Fourth Amendment
in the Garden, at http://www.totse.com/en/law/justice_for_all/curtilag.html (last visited Feb. 25, 2004). In this article, John Sauls, Legal
Instructor at the FBI Academy, poses hypothetical curtilage scenarios
for agents. For example, in one hypothetical an "officer needs to
determine whether the bushes he is considering crawling into [in order
to see men on a patio] are within the curtilage of the residence."
Id. Even private investigators are concerned with the scope of the
curtilage. See Jim Parker, Trash Archaelogy [sic]: Curtilage and
Expectation of Privacy (2002), at
http://www.pimall.com/nais/nl/n.trasharchaelogy.html ("[The intent
behind the Fourth Amendment] was not to protect people from people--or
indeed people from Private Investigators. However, it is still important
that we know the rules of the game before we play. Should we ever face
legal action as a result of obtaining information in this manner, it may
give you grounds to appeal any adverse court ruling and show diligence
which may prove instrumental in you holding on to your finances and
livelihood.") (last visited Feb. 25, 2004).
(136.) See United States v. Redmon, 138 F.3d 1109, 1112 (7th Cir.
1998) (en banc) (stating that the curtilage "is an imaginary
boundary line between privacy and accessibility to the public").
See generally Carol M. Rose, Crystals and Mud in Property Law, 40 STAN.
L. REV. 577, 592-93 (1988) (discussing the tension of rules versus
standards).
(137.) See WARREN SCHULTZ, A MAN'S TURF: THE PERFECT LAWN
31-35 (1999) (chronicling the history of America's obsession with
lawn mowing).
(138.) See Mike Pulfer, Crisscross Lawns Come Home: Owners Emulate
Major League Ballparks by Mowing Patterns into Their Yards, CINCINNATI
ENQUIRER, May 9, 2000, available at
http://www.enquirer.com/editions/2000/05/09/loc_criscross_lawns.html
(last visited Feb. 5, 2004).
(139.) See DAVID R. MELLOR, PICTURE PERFECT: MOWING TECHNIQUES FOR
LAWNS, LANDSCAPES, AND SPORTS 15 (2001).
(140.) Id.
(141.) See David R. Mellor, Art Exhibit Focuses on Mowing Patterns,
GROUNDS MAINTENANCE, Sept. 1, 2000, at
http://grounds-mag.com/ar/grounds_maintenance_art_exhibit_focuses/index.htm (last visited Feb. 5, 2004).
(142.) For the influence of golf on the residential lawn, see
Virginia Scott Jenkins, "'Fairway Living": Lawncare and
Lifestyle from Croquet to the Golf Course, in THE AMERICAN LAWN 116
(Georges Teyssot ed., 1999). Today there are approximately 25 million
golfers in America. Hal Philips, Winners' Club: Success Stories
from Public Golf Course Renovations, PARKS & RECREATION, June 1,
2003, at 38.
(143.) See Mark Blakemore, The ABC's of Golf, at
http://www.pgaprofessional.com/ glossary (last visited Nov. 7, 2003).
(144.) United States v. Shates, 915 F. Supp. 1483, 1488-89 (N.D.
Cal. 1995) ("While the trees do form a demarcation of the north
side of the 'compound,' they are more akin to a mow line than
to a fence. In a curtilage analysis, a fence may weigh more heavily in
favor of finding curtilage, whereas a mow line weighs far less
heavily.") The court goes on to assess aerial photographs of
"mowing patterns" to determine the nature and use of each area
of the compound but decides, in this case, they are inconclusive:
Testimony at the hearing showed that, in the rural areas of
Mendocino County, people mow for many reasons other than a well
manicured lawn. The residents mow to prevent ticks from jumping on
their legs, to prevent fires, and to curb what is described as "a
serious problem with rattlesnakes."
Id. at 1489.
(145.) Mow-lines were analyzed before Dunn. See United States v.
Van Dyke, 643 F.2d 992, 993 (4th Cir. 1981) ("The officers walked
through the trees growing along the boundary between the two properties,
climbed a fence, and moved 15 feet beyond the fence to a location 150
feet from the residence. There they lay down in a patch of honeysuckle bordering the mowed lawn."); Durham v. State, 471 S.W.2d 527, 529,
531 (Ark. 1971) ("The yard had been mowed and was fenced.... Unlike
the field where the rifles were found, this yard was the curtilage of
the Durham dwelling and, as such, subject to the same constitutional
protection as the house itself." (emphasis added) (citing McDowell
v. United States, 383 F.2d 599 (8th Cir. 1967) and Wattenburg v. United
States, 388 F.2d 853 (9th Cir. 1968))); State v. Burch, 320 S.E.2d 28,
30 (N.C. Ct. App. 1984) ("A careful review of the evidence
presented in this case indicates that the brush pile concealing the
marijuana plants was in fact a part of the curtilage. The curtilage
naturally began at the defendant's house. From his dwelling to the
brush pile, there was sown grass which the defendant mowed with a
regular yard mower.... [W]e need only to recognize that the curtilage
extended at least as far as the brush pile where the marijuana was
located. Because the marijuana was within the curtilage, it was unlawful
for the officers to search the area and seize the plants without a
search warrant or other circumstances justifying an exception to the
warrant requirement.").
(146.) See infra note 176 and accompanying text.
(147.) See infra note 159 and accompanying text.
(148.) United States v. Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 301 (1987).
(149.) Id.
(150.) See Williams v. Garrett, 722 F. Supp. 254, 260-61 (W.D. Va.
1989) ("[R]eading the word 'enclosure' in Dunn to require
an artificial barrier seems unduly narrow. The boxwood hedge and the
heavy woods created a natural enclosure around the home and yard;
requiring a person to expend resources and sacrifice aesthetics by
building a fence in order to obtain protection from unreasonable
searches is not required by the constitution.").
(151.) Dunn, 480 U.S. at 301.
(152.) No. 208857, 1998 Mich. App. LEXIS 883 (Mich. Ct. App. Dec.
1, 1998).
(153.) Id. at *1.
(154.) Id. at *4-5.
(155.) 412 S.E.2d 477 (W. Va. 1991) (per curiam).
(156.) See id. at 479.
(157.) See supra note 64 and accompanying text.
(158.) Townsend, 412 S.E.2d at 479.
(159.) No. 99CA09, 1999 Ohio App. LEXIS 6008 (Ohio Ct. App. Dec. 9,
1999).
(160.) Id. at *9 (citations omitted) (quoting United States v.
Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 302 (1987)).
(161.) 308 F.3d 430 (4th Cir. 2002).
(162.) Id. at 437.
(163.) 604 N.W.2d 552 (Wis. 2000).
(164.) See id. at 554.
(165.) Id. "As defense counsel admitted to the circuit court,
his 'client's home would not win a Martha Stewart award.'
Instead, a twenty-foot clearing surrounds the house in which only
low-lying weeds, brush, and wildflowers grow." Id. at 554-55.
(166.) Id. at 561 (citations omitted).
(167.) United States v. Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 301 (1987).
(168.) No. 98-6116, 1999 U.S. App. LEXIS 3546 (6th Cir. Mar. 1,
1999).
(169.) Id. at *9.
(170.) Id. at *9-10.
(171.) No. C6-92-641, 1993 Minn. App. LEXIS 55 (Minn. Ct. App. Jan.
12, 1993).
(172.) Id. at *4.
(173.) Criminal No. 10587, 1997 Va. Cir. LEXIS 660 (Va. Cir. Ct.
Jan. 27, 1997).
(174.) Id. at *17. One of the marijuana plants was found in a
"bush-hogged" area (meaning that the grass in the area had
been cut by a Bush Hog[R] brand lawnmower). The court concluded that
this area was not "'so associated with the activities and
privacies of domestic life' as to raise an inference that the [area
is] a part of the curtilage." Id. at *19 (quoting United States v.
Dunn, 480 U.S. 294, 301-02 (1987)).
(175.) See United States v. Rivard, No. 92-10064-01, 1993 U.S.
Dist. LEXIS 2910, at *4 (D. Kan. Feb. 18, 1993) ("The officers
never entered the mowed or finished area of the property."); State
v. Chaussee, 866 P.2d 643,646 n.3 (Wash. Ct. App. 1994).
(176.) 793 F. Supp. 273 (D. Kan. 1992).
(177.) Id. at 275.
(178.) 124 F.3d 768 (6th Cir. 1997).
(179.) The court of appeals noted that "[d]efendants'
backyard, much of which is shielded from the road by the house, consists
of a neatly trimmed lawn...." Id. at 770.
(180.) Although the court of appeals held that the district court
erred in denying the motion to suppress, it affirmed the
defendant's conviction because the admission of the tainted
evidence was harmless error. The task force had lawfully seized 862
marijuana plants from an open field behind the backyard. Id. at 774.
(181.) Id. at 773.
(182.) See also United States v. Reilly, 76 F.3d 1271, 1279 (2d
Cir. 1996) ("The park-like appearance of the area made it readily
apparent to observers that the area was private.").
(183.) No. 92 CA 527, 1992 Ohio App. LEXIS 6280, at *8 (Ohio Ct.
App. Dec. 10, 1992).
(184.) See also State v. Tanner, No. 94 CA 2006, 1995 Ohio App.
LEXIS 1028, at *11 (Ohio Ct. App. Mar. 10, 1995) ("In Bayless, we
determined that a garden located approximately fifty feet from a house
was within the curtilage of the house. The area between that house and
garden was a mowed lawn.... In the case sub judice, the garden was
located near the house. Appellant mowed the area near the garden.... We
find that the evidence presented in the case sub judice supports a
conclusion that the garden was within the curtilage of the
house.").
(185.) Bayless, 1992 Ohio App. LEXIS 6280, at *7.
(186.) 875 F. Supp. 108, 119 (N.D.N.Y. 1994), aff'd, 76 F.3d
1271 (2d Cir. 1996).
(187.) The discussion in Reilly of the history and maintenance of
the defendant's lawn included the following description:
Sometime between 1987 to 1989, defendant had a local farmer plant a
lawn on the entire area of the defendant's property between the main
residence and the north boundary line as well as from the main
residence to Woodard Road. A large tractor was used to till the soil
and to plant seed. After the grass began to grow, the lawn was
extensively roiled. At about the same time, defendant hired a local
resident who mowed the lawn, tended gardens and placed mulch around
most of the trees located on the property through September 1991.
While the area between the main residence and the north boundary
line was regularly mowed with both a push and riding mower, the
front portion of the lawn, between the main residence and Woodard
Road, was regularly mowed with a brush hog. In September 1991, the
time of the allegedly unlawful search, the lawn had substantially
grown throughout defendant's property, although it had been very dry
as a result of drought conditions during the preceding summer
months.
Id. at 112.
(188.) Id. at 113.
(189.) The outbuilding in Dunn, considered outside the curtilage,
was 180 feet from the residence. United States v. Dunn, 480 U.S. 294,
302 (1987).
(190.) Reilly, 875 F. Supp. at 118.
(191.) Id. at 118-20.
(192.) Id. at 119-20 (quoting Dunn, 480 U.S. at 301) (citations and
internal quotation marks omitted).
(193.) Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 361 (1967) (Harlan, J.,
concurring) (internal quotation marks omitted).
(194.) See supra note 192 and accompanying text.
(195.) "This ambiguity of the lawn, of the threshold between
the public space of the street and the private, familial, domestic
space, has remained a constant of the American landscape since the
moment of its colonization." Georges Teyssot, The American Lawn:
Surface of Everyday Life, in THE AMERICAN LAWN, supra note 142, at 1,
15.
(196.) Therese O'Malley, The Lawn in Early American Landscape
and Garden Design, in THE AMERICAN LAWN, supra note 142, at 64, 84
("The lawn in the colonial and antebellum periods was rarely the
'green velvet carpet' portrayed in treatise literature. Lawns
were not a standard feature of every citizen's home. But they were
found at the houses of members of a political and cultural elite as well
as an emerging educated middle class in the period of the early
republic.").
(197.) See generally DAVID HACKETT FISCHER, ALBION'S SEED:
FOUR BRITISH FOLKWAYS IN AMERICA 181-86, 390, 763 (1989) (stating, for
example, that in Massachusetts, "villages and hamlets were common,
and isolated homesteads were comparatively rare").
(198.) See JACKSON, supra note 122, at 55 (stating that "in
colonial America the Puritans did believe that eternal salvation could
best be won in a cohesive, tight community"); JOHN REPS, TOWN
PLANNING IN FRONTIER AMERICA 1 (Univ. of Mo. Press 1980) (1965).
(199.) JACKSON, supra note 122, at 56 ("House siting ...
followed no clear pattern before 1860."); VIRGINIA SCOTT JENKINS,
THE LAWN: A HISTORY OF AN AMERICAN OBSESSION 27 (1994) (stating that
"there was no clear pattern of house siting during the nineteenth
century").
(200.) JACKSON, supra note 122, at 55.
(201.) Id. at 56 ("[S]mall towns copied the compact
arrangements of larger cities.").
(202.) Id. at 55-56.
(203.) Id. at 56 ("Because regular garbage collection was rare
before the Civil War, most families threw their refuse out the doors to
scavenging dogs and pigs.").
(204.) Id. (stating that "[e]xcept for regular visits to the
privy vault or outhouse, most people avoided the backyard
entirely").
(205.) Id. See JENKINS, supra note 199, at 20.
(206.) See JENKINS, supra note 199, at 22-23.
(207.) Id. at 26 ("Mid-nineteenth-century architectural
pattern books all showed detached houses, many surrounded by
lawns.").
(208.) CLIFFORD EDWARD CLARK, JR., THE AMERICAN FAMILY HOME:
1800-1960, at 38 (1986) ("The plan-book houses were almost always
pictured in isolated rural settings. No other homes were visible and the
surrounding trees and shrubs seemed to provide both a sense of
spaciousness and a feeling of privacy."); JACKSON, supra note 122,
at 58 ("The new ideal was no longer to be part of a close
community, but to have a self-contained unit, a private wonderland [figuratively] walled off from the rest of the world."); GWENDOLYN
WRIGHT, MORALISM AND THE MODEL HOME 13 (1980) ("[T]he homes built
from these pattern-book models were supposed to reinforce both a
democratic spirit of progress and an individual family's sense of
privacy."). But see WILLIAM J. NOVAK, THE PEOPLE'S WELFARE:
LAW AND REGULATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY AMERICA 157 (1996) ("One
of the most sacred and enduring myths in Anglo-American
constitutionalism is Edward Coke's adage 'a man's house
is his castle.' ... Despite such sentimental attachment to houses
as quintessentially private spheres, public realities intruded all the
time. As the New York fire cases made clear, all the king's men
could not only cross a tenement's threshold, they could tear it
down.").
(209.) See Teyssot, supra note 195, at 17.
(210.) See JENKINS, supra note 199, at 21. Andrew Jackson Downing,
the most famous nineteenth-century pattern-book author, stated:
"'[T]he close proximity of fences to the house gives the whole
place a confined and mean character.... A wide spread lawn, on the
contrary, where no boundaries are conspicuous, conveys an impression of
ample extent and space for enjoyment.'" Id.
(211.) O'Malley, supra note 196, at 82 ("Llewellyn Park,
New Jersey, a planned residential park begun in 1857, was a turning
point between the great country estates and the middle-class suburban
tract, and the treatment of the lawn was a key element of its innovative
planning.").
(212.) Id. ("Since the goal was to make these private
properties parklike, and therefore communal, buyers agreed there would
be no fences separating the lots."). Compare this idea of the
park-like setting as a communal space with the Reilly court's view
of a park-like setting: "The park-like appearance of the area made
it readily apparent to observers that the area was private." United
States v. Reilly, 76 F.3d 1271, 1279 (2d Cir. 1996).
(213.) O'Malley, supra note 196, at 82 (stating that "the
utilization of lawns and borrowed views [in Llewellyn Park] ... became a
standard for suburban design of the next half century in America").
(214.) Teyssot, supra note 195, at 22 (stating the unwritten rule
of architectural composition in the American suburb: "the
inhabitant must maintain his lawn as a community place").
(215.) W.D. WETHERELL, THE MAN WHO LOVED LEVITTOWN 14 (1985).
(216.) See infra Part III.C; see also Nan Ellin, Shelter from the
Storm or Form Follows Fear and Vice Versa, in ARCHITECTURE OF FEAR 13,
33 (Nan Ellin ed., 1997) ("The impulse to privatize is epitomized
by the growth of gated communities, residential developments with
patrolled entryways and a clear separation from other neighborhoods,
usually by a secure fence.").
(217.) See Todd W. Bressi, Planning the American Dream, in PETER
KATZ, THE NEW URBANISM: TOWARD AN ARCHITECTURE OF COMMUNITY, at xxv,
xxvi (1994) ("The most powerful icon of the middle class, the
single-family detached house surrounded by ample yards, has roots in
Victorian-era mythology: The house was seen as a cradle, nurturing (and
cultivating) the emerging independent nuclear family, and as a bulwark,
insulating woman and children from the industrial city's evils....
And the house, protected in its residential enclave and surrounded by
spacious yards, offered privacy and protection from outside
contamination.").
(218.) 138 F.3d 1109 (7th Cir. 1998) (en banc).
(219.) Id. at 1110.
(220.) Id. at 1114.
(221.) Id. at 1132 (Posner, C.J., dissenting) ("If I am right
to draw the line at the boundaries of the curtilage, the critical
question in this case is whether the place where the garbage cans were
set out for collection, at the head of Redmon's driveway, was
within his curtilage.... My answer to the question ... is
'yes.'").
(222.) Judge Posner's dissent continued:
The garage was attached to the house, and the garbage cans were
right outside the garage, at the farthest point of the driveway from
the street. If this spot was not within Redmon's curtilage--if it is
to be classified as an 'open field'--then no place outside his house
was within the curtilage, and, indeed, attached houses, row houses,
and other cramped urban dwellings have no curtilage (beyond the
house itself); curtilage is confined to farmers and to wealthy
suburbanites and exurbanites.
Id.
(223.) Id.
(224.) 612 F. Supp. 777 (E.D. Cal. 1985) (holding that the aerial
surveillance was unreasonable), rev'd, 805 F.2d 849 (9th Cir.
1986).
(225.) Id. at 790 n. 11. The court also stated:
Moreover, where a rural business structure is located near, although
not within, the curtilage of a farm residence, there is manifest a
more likely possibility that the business enterprise is related to
domestic life. Arguably, this is a factor for the Court's serious
consideration in determining whether a privacy expectation in the
structure is reasonable.
Id.
(226.) 632 F.2d 1149 (4th Cir. 1980).
(227.) Id. at 1159.
(228.) 537 F.2d 554 (1st Cir. 1976).
(229.) Id. at 558 (citations omitted).
(230.) Even before Dunn, the rural character of a residence was
important. See United States v. Holmes, 521 F.2d 859 (5th Cir. 1975)
(holding that the search of a shed was a violation of the curtilage),
aff'd by an equally divided court on reh'g en banc, 537 F.2d
227 (5th Cir. 1976). "Whatever precautions a homeowner in an urban
area might have to take to protect his activity from the senses of a
casual passerby, a dweller in a rural area whose property is surrounded
by extremely dense growth need not anticipate that government agents
will be crawling through the underbrush by putting up signs warning the
government to keep away." Holmes, 521 F.2d at 870.
(231.) See State v. Rogers, 638 A.2d 569, 573 (Vt. 1993)
("Defendants' home is not an urban residence for which privacy
expectations are reduced exponentially as the distance from the home
increases.").
(232.) See United States v. Johnson, 256 F.3d 895, 902 (9th Cir.
2001) ("[C]ourts have reasoned that the curtilage of a home in a
rural area could extend farther than the curtilage of a home in an urban
or suburban setting." (citation omitted)); United States v. Reilly,
76 F.3d 1271, 1277 (2d Cir. 1996) ("[C]urtilage may reach a larger
area in a rural setting.... On a large parcel of land, a pond 300 feet
away from a dwelling may be as intimately connected to the residence as
is the backyard grill of the bloke next door."); see also Hart v.
Myers, 183 F. Supp. 2d 512, 522 (D. Conn. 2002) ("Here, the
hangpole [to hang deer carcasses] was approximately twenty-five yards
away from the [hunting shed] structure. That distance is fairly short
and could support an inference that the hangpole should be treated as
part of the home. This is especially true in the outdoor or camp-like
setting at issue here, because more of the activities intimately
associated with the home will likely be conducted outside this home,
which lacked plumbing, a stove and private sleeping quarters."),
aff'd, 50 Fed. Appx. 45 (2d Cir. 2002).
(233.) However, one court, in discussing the difficulty of applying
Dunn in the urban context, noted that the enclosure factor is not
particularly relevant in the city and turned to factor three to resolve
the curtilage question. Joyner v. State, 589 A.2d 1330, 1337 (Md. Ct.
Spec. App. 1991) ("Likewise, the absence of a fence or other means
of excluding passersby from the area may be less significant in an urban
than in a rural area, since the configuration of the streets and houses
in many parts of the city may make it impossible, or at least highly
impracticable, to screen one's home and yard from view."). The
court went on to give substantial weight to the "use factor."
The court stated, "In any event, in an urban area, substantial
weight may have to be accorded the uses to which one's real estate
is put, for actual use of the yard and related property is likely to be
the primary way in which one asserts an intimate tie to the home."
Id.
(234.) United States v. Jenkins, 124 F.3d 768 (6th Cir. 1997).
(235.) Id. at 773.
(236.) See William H. Lucy & David L. Phillips, Suburbs and the
Census: Patterns of Growth and Decline (Brookings Inst. Survey Series,
Dec. 2001), http://www.brookings.edu/dybdocroot/es/urban/census/lucy.pdf
(last visited Feb. 5, 2004).
(237.) See Commonwealth v. Oglialoro, 547 A.2d 387, 392 (Pa. Super.
Ct. 1988) (Kelly, J., concurring) ("Given the heightened
significance of the ancient concept of curtilage in modern Fourth
Amendment jurisprudence, we will no doubt be called upon to apply that
feudal concept in the strikingly non-feudal context of urban and
suburban housing...."), aff'd, 579 A.2d 1288 (Pa. 1990).
(238.) See LEONIDAS W. RAMSEY, LANDSCAPING THE HOME GROUNDS 54
(1930) ("A man's home may be his castle, but his front lawn
belongs to the public. At least this is the case in the great majority
of American homes. The universal practice of establishing building lines
and setting the house back from the street has created the typical
American front yard. Custom has prescribed the leaving of the front yard
open, providing a view of the house and the grounds."); see also
FRED E.H. SCHROEDER, FRONT YARD AMERICA: THE EVOLUTION AND MEANINGS OF A
VERNACULAR DOMESTIC LANDSCAPE 9 (1993) ("Exemplar of the American
vernacular front yard at its best: open, neat, lawn without any visible
division from the neighbor's, foundation plantings that neither
obscure the view from the street nor ensure privacy within....");
SCHULTZ, supra note 137, at 41 ("In suburbia, the front lawn became
the welcome mat to the home.").
(239.) See supra Part III.A.
(240.) Teyssot, supra note 195, at 1 (quoting Milwaukee gardening
radio talk show host Lorrie Otto).
(241.) Oliver v. United States, 466 U.S. 170, 180 (1984) (quoting
Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616, 630 (1886)).
Brendan Peters, J.D., Stanford Law School, 2003; M.Arch., Princeton
University School of Architecture, 1999; B.S., University of Virginia
School of Architecture, 1993. Executive Editor, Stanford Law Review,
Volume 55. Special thanks to Ben Koodrich, his editing team, and the
members of the Law Review; and most of all to my wife Jil for her love
and immeasurable support.